Cartha (Deke) Deloach

Cartha (Deke) Deloach

Cartha (Deke) DeLoach, sin Carthe Calhoun DeLoach, rođen je u Claxtonu u Georgiji 20. srpnja 1920. Otac mu je umro 1930. i "ostavio obitelj u velikim dugovima". Prema rodbini, DeLoach je radio na poljima pamuka kako bi pomogao majci platiti račune. Talentirani sportaš otišao je na Sveučilište Stetson na Floridi, na nogometnu stipendiju.

DeLoach se pridružio Federalnom istražnom uredu 1942. kao službenik u Odjelu za identifikaciju. Godine 1948. DeLoach je zamijenio Johna Dohertyja kao časnika za vezu FBI -a sa Središnjom obavještajnom agencijom. Njegov glavni izvor kontakta bio je Sheffield Edwards. Prema Marku Rieblingu (Klin) DeLoach je morao uvjeriti Franka Wisnera da zaustavi neke od CIA -inih neobičnijih operacija. Riebling citira Deloacha koji je rekao: "Dečki, ne možete to učiniti. Vaša operacija jednostavno neće uspjeti, eksplodirat će. Ljudi sumnjaju u vas. Prokleto dobro znaju da niste obrana. Niste pravilno podržani."

Godine 1953. J. Edgar Hoover zamolio je DeLoacha da se pridruži američkoj legiji kako bi ga "ispravio". Prema novinaru Sanfordu J. Ungaru, zadatak je shvatio toliko ozbiljno da je postao nacionalni dozapovjednik organizacije: "DeLoach je 1958. postao predsjednik nacionalnog povjerenstva za odnose s javnošću Legije, a na tom je mjestu i u svojim drugim uredima Legije godinama je imao veliki utjecaj na unutarnju politiku organizacije, kao i na njene javne pozicije. "

Deke DeLoach postao je prijatelj s Lyndonom B. Johnsonom 1950 -ih. DeLoach se s Johnsonom, koji je bio čelnik većine u Senatu, dogovorio da progura zakone koji J. Edgaru Hooveru jamče doživotnu plaću. DeLoach se kasnije prisjetio: “Postojalo je političko nepovjerenje između njih dvojice, ali oboje su trebali jedan drugoga.” Međutim, porekao je da su ta dva čovjeka radila zajedno na ucjenjivanju političara. Hooverov FBI (1995.), DeLoach je tvrdio: "Popularni mit, koji su u posljednje vrijeme poticali potencijalni povjesničari i senzacionalisti s pogledom na popis bestselera, kaže da je u njegovo vrijeme J. Edgar Hoover gotovo vodio Washington, koristeći prljave trikove kako bi zastrašio kongresmeni i predsjednici, telefonske prisluškivače, greške i doušnike za izradu tajnih datoteka pomoću kojih će se ucjenjivati ​​zastupnici. " Prema DeLoachu to nije bila istina.

Ronald Kessler, autor knjige Biro: Tajna povijest FBI -a (2002.) sugerirao je da je DeLoach bio umiješan u ucjenu senatora Carla T. Haydena, predsjednika Odbora za pravila i administraciju Senata, da slijedi upute Hoovera. J. Edgar Hoover. U travnju 1962., Roy L. Elson, Haydenov administrativni pomoćnik, doveo je u pitanje Haydenovu odluku o odobrenju 60 milijuna dolara troškova zgrade FBI -a. Kad je otkrio što Elson govori, DeLoach je "nagovijestio" da ima "informacije koje nisu laskave i štetne za moju bračnu situaciju ... Ja sam na taj način zasigurno bio ranjiv ... Bilo je više od jedne djevojke ... Implikacija je bila bilo je informacija o mom seksualnom životu ... Tumačio sam to kao pokušaj ucjene. "

Specijalni agent FBI -a Arthur Murtagh također je posvjedočio da je DeLoach umiješan u ucjenu političara u vladinim odborima. Tvrdio je da mu je DeLoach rekao: "Preksinoć smo pokupili situaciju u kojoj je ovaj senator viđen pijan, u nesreći sa bijegom, a s njim je bila i neka zgodna djevojka. Dobili smo informacije, prijavili smo to u memorandumu, a sljedećeg dana do podneva, senator je bio svjestan da mi imamo te podatke, i od tada nikada nismo imali problema s njim oko aproprijacije. "

Dan nakon atentata na Johna F. Kennedyja, predsjednik Lyndon B. Johnson nazvao je J. Edgara Hoovera i zatražio da se DeLoach dodijeli Bijeloj kući. DeLoach je bio uključen u istragu atentata na Kennedyja. U jednom dopisu poslanom Clydeu Tolsonu, DeLoach je tvrdio da je Johnson "smatrao da CIA ima veze s zavjerom" da ubije Kennedyja. Prema Davidu Talbotu, DeLoach je "odbacio predsjednikova mračna mrmljanja jednostavno kao njegov pokušaj da se uvjeri da je Warrenovo izvješće točno". Richard Helms je dodao: "Nisam znao je li (Johnsonov govor o uroti) bio baš poput muhara koji je preletio vodu da vidi ima li nekoga tko je uzeo ili je u to doista vjerovao."

DeLoach je u intervjuu s Michaelom L. Gilletteom 1. studenoga 1991. tvrdio da ga je predsjednik Johnson pitao stoje li iza atentata na Kennedyja CIA ili Fidel Castro: "Rekao sam mu ne, da je istraga bila vrlo temeljita, da Warrenova komisija potvrdila je zaključke FBI -a, da nema nikakve zavjere i da je Lee Harvey Oswald - i samo Oswald to učinio, i stvar bi trebala prestati. No predsjednik se želio uvjeriti da je učinio sve kako bi se uvjerio da su pronađeni ispravni zaključci, ili ispravni zaključci, istiniti zaključci i da se zapisnik mora uspostaviti. Zato je bio nepokolebljiv da, iako smo gospodin Hoover i ja bili protiv toga, treba osnovati Warrenovo povjerenstvo, i da u Warrenovoj komisiji trebaju biti i demokrati i republikanci, te da imaju pristup svim izvješćima FBI -a. Želio je da se cijela stvar najtamnije ispita. I oni su to učinili. Ali Warren Commis Sion je bila predsjednikova ideja. "

William C. Sullivan raspravljao je u Biro: Mojih trideset godina u Hooverovom FBI -u (1979.): "Budući da je Johnson smatrao da se mora zaštititi od posljednjih iznenađenja iz Kennedyjevog kampa, obratio se za pomoć FBI -u. Zamolio je Hoovera za poseban sigurnosni tim od desetak agenata na čelu s Carthom D. ("Deke") DeLoach, nasljednica Courtney Evans na mjestu veze u Bijeloj kući. Navodno bi agenti bili tu kako bi se čuvali od prijetnji predsjedniku, ali ove sigurnosne snage zapravo su bile nadzorni tim, nastavak nadziranja FBI -ja o Martinu Lutheru Kingu u Atlantic Cityju. Prateći Kinga, LBJ je mogao pratiti i RFK. Uz pomoć FBI -a, Johnson je špijunirao Teddyja Kennedyja tijekom Kennedyjevog putovanja u Italiju. "

U intervjuu koji je DeLoach dao 1991. tvrdio je: "Gospodin Hoover bio je nestrpljiv da zadrži svoj posao i ostane na mjestu direktora. Znao je da je najbolji način da FBI funkcionira u potpunosti i da ostvari suradnju Bijele kuće za da će surađivati ​​s predsjednikom Johnsonom ... Predsjednik Johnson je, s druge strane, znao za imidž gospodina Hoovera u Sjedinjenim Državama, osobito među konzervativnim elementima usred puta, i znao je da je on golem. potencijalne snage FBI -a - što se tiče pomoći vladi i Bijeloj kući. Kao rezultat toga, to je bio brak, ne posve nužan, već definitivno prijateljstvo uzrokovano nuždom. "

William C. Sullivan istaknuo je da je Deloach do 1964. bio "član Johnsonovog najužeg kruga ... i imao izravnu vezu s LBJ -ovom Bijelom kućom". To je uključivalo i pružanje informacija iz dosjea FBI -a o Barryju Goldwateru tijekom predsjedničke kampanje 1964. Tim Weiner, autor knjige Enemies: A History of the F.B.I. (2012) tvrdi: „DeLoach je uvijek bio na čekanju, danju i noću ... Bio je talentiran čovjek s političkim sjekirama, pouzdani zamjenik Hoovera. Također je bio ključan za obavještajne istrage provedene za vrijeme Johnsonovog predsjedništva. ”

DeLoach je 1965. promaknut u zamjenika ravnatelja FBI -a. Na toj je poziciji bio sve dok nije dao ostavku 1970. radi za Donalda M. Kendalla, koji je bio blizak prijatelj Lyndona B. Johnsona. Kasnije je radio u bankarstvu u Južnoj Karolini. 1995. objavio je memoare, Hooverov FBI: Unutrašnja priča od Hooverovog pouzdanog poručnika. DeLoach je 2007. tvrdio: “Po mom skromnom mišljenju, unatoč dobrom poslu, F.B.I. je učinio, nije dobio ni blizu dovoljne zasluge za obavljanje svih golemih istražnih poslova, svih žrtava, truda, krvi, znoja, suza, poslovično rečeno, što smo i učinili. Nismo dobili kredit ”.

Cartha (Deke) DeLoach umrla je 13. ožujka 2013. u 92.

Ako je smrt Jacka Kennedyja šokirala i zabrinula Johnsona, to ga je također učinilo opreznijim nego ikad od Bobbyja i Teddyja Kennedyja. Johnson je vjerovao da oba preživjela brata Kennedy imaju predsjedničke ambicije, a kao predsjednik sebe je vidio kao njihovog prirodnog neprijatelja i ponašao se u skladu s tim. Posebno mu je zaprijetio Bobby, bojao se da će postojati osnova podrške Kennedyjevoj nominaciji za potpredsjednika na demokratskoj konvenciji u Atlantic Cityju gdje je LBJ, "slučajni predsjednik", zatražio jednoglasnu podršku svoje stranke. Johnson je želio izabrati svog partnera za trčanje, a Bobby Kennedy definitivno nije bio na njegovom popisu mogućih izbora.

Budući da je Johnson smatrao da se mora zaštititi od posljednjih iznenađenja iz Kennedyjevog kampa, obratio se za pomoć FBI -u. Prateći Kinga, LBJ bi mogao pratiti i RFK.

Uz pomoć FBI -a, Johnson je špijunirao Teddyja Kennedyja tijekom Kennedyjeva putovanja u Italiju. Jedan od naših agenata čuo je da je Lucky Luciano, američki mafijaški šef kojeg je savezna vlada deportirala u rodnu Italiju, vodio razgovor s Kennedyjem u jednom restoranu u Rimu. Zapravo, saznali smo da je razgovor bio potpuno nevin s Kennedyjeve strane. Luciano se obratio Kennedyju u nastojanju da mu pomogne u molbi da mu se dopusti da se vrati u Sjedinjene Države na smrt, a Kennedy je to odbio. Agent, koji je znao da će Hoovera zanimati bilo što na tu temu, prijavio je incident Washingtonu. Hoover je to izvješće iskoristio kao izliku da istraži Kennedyja kako bi provjerio ima li on ikakve veze s organiziranim kriminalom. Proveli smo diskretnu, ali opsežnu istragu i otkrili ono što su svi znali cijelo vrijeme: da se Kennedy na svaki način protivio organiziranom kriminalu, i uvijek je bio.

Godine 1965. Johnson je upotrijebio FBI za postavljanje Teddyja Kennedyja. Teddy je došao u Johnson tražeći saveznog sudaca za Franka Morrisseya, prijatelja obitelji Kennedy i bivšu pomoć JFK -u. Johnson je pristao nominirati Morrisseyja, no čim je Kennedy izašao s vrata Ovalnog ureda, LBJ je telefonom DeLoachu naručio sveobuhvatnu istragu FBI-a nad bostonskim odvjetnikom. Bila je to jedna od najiscrpnijih istraga ove vrste koje smo ikada proveli, daleko više od naše slabe istrage protiv G. Harrolda Carswella kada je nominiran za Vrhovni sud. Išli smo svi na Morrissey, ali nismo našli mnogo. Najgore što je itko mogao reći o Morrisseyju bilo je da je imao prosječnu reputaciju odvjetnika. Budući da su sudovi bili puni osrednjih sudaca koji su pohađali neugledne pravne škole, mnoge od njih postavio je Johnson, činilo se da je Morrissey jasan. No, nekoliko dana nakon što je Johnson primio FBI -jevo izvješće o Morrisseyju, u novinama i časopisima počele su se pojavljivati ​​priče koje su ga nazivale nekvalificiranim za taj posao, priče koje je Bijela kuća procurila u tisak, navodeći kao dokaz njegovu impresivnu pravnu i akademsku pozadinu. Bio je to namjerni bris i djelovao je. Posramljeni Teddy Kennedy bio je prisiljen zatražiti od LBJ -a da povuče nominaciju.

Na početku ovog razgovora, LBJ je naglašeno ustvrdio da će istraga biti u nadležnosti teksaških vlasti, ali sa značajnom ulogom FBI -a. LBJ se osvrnuo na napore neidentificiranih odvjetnika, implicirajući da su u Ministarstvu pravosuđa, da se osnuje komisija, te je izjavio da se to neće dogoditi. Vjerojatno je mislio na Katzenbacha, možda samo Katzenbacha. Istragom će, rekao je, voditi FBI i država Texas.

Alsop je tada pokrenuo pokušaj da promijeni mišljenje LBJ-a, upotrijebivši mješavinu taktika, uključujući samoponižavanje, pohvale za LBJ, davanje savjeta, argumentaciju i manipulaciju. Također je upotrijebio imena drugih ljudi kako bi učvrstio svoju poziciju i uvjerio Johnsona da će ideja ove komisije imati podršku značajnih ljudi. Usput je rekao Johnsonu da "ovo ne rade odvjetnici Ministarstva pravosuđa". To je zapažanje u skladu s Katzenbachovim svjedočenjem iz 1978. da je ideja za proviziju došla od ljudi izvan vlade. Alsopova tvrdnja također se slaže s onim što smo već vidjeli u zagovoru Eugenea Rostowa.

Zanimljivo je i to što Alsop kaže da je već razgovarao s Billom Moyersom o ideji povjerenstva. To znači da su u manje od 24 sata nakon Oswaldove smrti i Rostow i Alsop odlučili intervenirati te su obojica odabrali Moyersa za kanal predsjedniku. Je li to slučajnost ili su Rostow i Alsop djelovali kao dio koordiniranih napora? Njihovi prijedlozi o sastavu povjerenstva različiti su, ali niti jedan nije konačan po tom pitanju.

Alsop je naznačio da je jedan od ljudi s kojima je o tome razgovarao bivši državni tajnik Dean Acheson. Nije rekao kad je razgovarao s Achesonom; moralo je proći manje od 22 sata nakon Oswaldove smrti. Je li Achesonovo sudjelovanje bilo neovisno o Rostowovu? Čini se da je Alsopova upotreba Achesonovog imena i način na koji je Johnsonu ostavio utisak da je ta ideja došla od ili s odobravanjem teških napadača. Alsop je također rekao za LBJ da je [Alfred] Friendly iz Washington Posta sam došao na istu ideju i da će Post tu ideju promovirati. Interni dopis FBI -a od C. D. DeLoacha Johnu P. Mohru od 25. studenog 1963. to pokazuje Washington Post urednik James Russell Wiggins zapravo je pojedinac koji se zalagao za proviziju. U bilješci se također točno spominje da je James Reston predložio stvaranje predsjedničkog povjerenstva u New York Times dana 25. studenog.

Michael L.Gillette: Je li vam predsjednik razgovarao o atentatu na Kennedyja i njegovim razmišljanjima o tome ili objašnjenjima za to?

Cartha DeLoach: Da, s vremena na vrijeme to bi upućivao. Pozvao se na činjenicu da je to premjestio

krvavocrveni tepih iz svog ureda jer ga je podsjetio na ubojstvo predsjednika i stavio još jedan tepih u Ovalni ured s predsjedničkim pečatom.

Povremeno se pomalo raspitao tko je to mogao uzrokovati. Ukazao je na to: "Je li to mogla biti CIA?" A ja sam rekao: "Ne, gospodine." I on sam nije tako mislio, samo je lutao u svom razgovoru. "Je li to mogao biti Castro? Je li to mogao biti Sovjetski Savez?" Rekao sam mu da nije, da je istraga bila vrlo temeljita, da je Warrenova komisija potvrdila zaključke FBI -a, da nije u pitanju nikakva zavjera i da su to učinili Lee Harvey Oswald - i samo Oswald, i stvar bi trebala prestati. No Warrenova komisija bila je predsjednikova ideja.

Gospodin DeLoach vodio je odjel za evidenciju kaznenih djela, koji je također bio zadužen za javne poslove. Bio je glavni glasnogovornik ureda u istrazi ubojstava Jamesa Earla Chaneyja, Andrewa Goodmana i Michaela Schwernera, trojice radnika za zaštitu ljudskih prava koje je ubio Ku Klux Klan u Mississippiju početkom ljeta 1964. Njihova tijela nisu otkriven do tog kolovoza; gospodin DeLoach je pozvao predsjednika da mu dostavi vijest.

Johnson je pozvao ured da izvrši zadatke koji su izazvali trvenja s drugim agencijama. U strahu od atentata, dodao je F.B.I. agenti na njegove sigurnosne detalje, kršeći na području Tajne službe. I privukao je ured u političku arenu, tražeći istrage protiv političkih protivnika i izvjestitelja.

Gospodin DeLoach bio je glavni kanal između Johnsona i Hoovera, iako je priznao da zna da je predsjednik povremeno pitao F.B.I. kako bi prekoračio svoja ovlaštenja, rekao je da su to učinili i drugi predsjednici, te da je teško kada predsjednik Sjedinjenih Država nešto traži.

"DeLoach je uvijek bio na dohvat ruke, danju i noću", rekao je Tim Weiner, bivši reporter New York Timesa i autor knjige "Enemies: A History of the F.B.I.", objavljene prošle godine. “Bio je talentiran čovjek s političkim sjekirama, pouzdani zamjenik Hoovera. Također je bio ključan za obavještajne istrage provedene za vrijeme Johnsonovog predsjedništva. ”

G. DeLoach postao je šef F.B.I. istrage 1965., što je vodilo napad biroa na Klana nakon ubojstava 1964. u Mississippiju. Nadzirao je istragu o ubojstvu velečasnog dr. Martina Luthera Kinga mlađeg 1968. No, on je također bio dio nadzora ureda nad pokretom za građanska prava i bio je svjestan tajnog nadzora ureda nad dr. Kingom u svom privatni život. U knjizi gospodina Weinera Nicholas Katzenbach, glavni odvjetnik Johnsona, rekao je kako vjeruje da je gospodin DeLoach novinarima ponudio priliku da slušaju trake doktora Kinga koji je imao spolni odnos sa ženom koja mu nije supruga.

Gospodin DeLoach je odbacio tu optužbu.


Cartha D. DeLoach, broj 3 u F.B.I. -u, mrtva je u 92. godini

Cartha “Deke ”DeLoach i William Sullivan bili su operativci Ureda pomorske obavještajne službe koji su obećali zaštititi travnjak J. Edgara Hoovera od obavještajnih agencija nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Formirali su Odjel za unutarnje operacije V (5) FBI-a i izumili COINTELPRO, protuobavještajni program usmjeren na ljevicu, pokret za građanska prava, antiratni pokret te crnačke i latinoameričke radikalne skupine. Program je i danas na snazi ​​pod drugim imenima i cilja čak i na djecu 60 -ih godina žrtve ovog smrtonosnog napora. William Sullivan trebao je svjedočiti Odboru za izbore u Predstavničkom domu za atentate o ulozi FBI -a u atentatu na dr. Kinga, ali je poginuo u lovačkoj nesreći “, navodno zamijenjenoj za jelena dok je pio ledeni čaj na stražnjoj verandi. , prije nego što se mogao pojaviti. DeLoach je u FBI -u postavio sekundarni sustav arhiviranja kako bi sakrio i njihove ilegalne ekscese.

Cartha D. DeLoach, koja je kao pomoćnica i povjerenica J. Edgara Hoovera bila FBI -ova veza s Bijelom kućom i moćni posrednik između Hoovera i predsjednika Lyndona B. Johnsona, umrla je u srijedu u srijedu Hilton Head Island, SC Imao je 92 godine.

Smrt je potvrdio njegov sin Tom.

Gospodin DeLoach, koji je bio poznat kao Deke, proveo je više od 25 godina u Federalnom istražnom uredu, izdižući se na mjesto zamjenika pomoćnika ravnatelja, na poziciji broj 3, iza samo gospodina Hoovera i pomoćnika direktora, Clydea Tolsona.

Gospodin DeLoach susreo se i radio s Johnsonom 1950 -ih, kada je Johnson bio vođa većine u Senatu, on i Johnson pomogli su u prolasku zakona koji je Hooveru jamčio doživotnu plaću. Godine 1963., nedugo nakon što je ubijen predsjednik John F. Kennedy, Johnson je nazvao Hoovera - gospodin DeLoach je rekao da je to dan nakon što je Johnson položio zakletvu na brodu Air Force One - i zatražio da se gospodin DeLoach dodijeli Bijeloj kući.

"Postojalo je političko nepovjerenje između njih dvojice, ali oboje su bili potrebni jedan drugome", rekao je gospodin DeLoach u intervjuu za usmenu povijest 1991. za knjižnicu Johnson na Sveučilištu u Teksasu. „Mr. Hoover je želio zadržati svoj posao i ostati na mjestu direktora. Znao je da je najbolji način za F.B.I. da bi u potpunosti djelovao i ostvario određenu suradnju Bijele kuće za njega je bila suradnja s predsjednikom Johnsonom. ”

“Predsjednik Johnson, s druge strane,” nastavio je gospodin DeLoach, “znao je za imidž gospodina Hoovera u Sjedinjenim Državama, osobito među konzervativnim elementima usred puta, i znao je da je golem. Znao je za potencijalnu snagu F.B.I. - u mjeri u kojoj se radi o pomoći vladi i Bijeloj kući. Kao rezultat toga, to je bio brak, ne posve nužan, već definitivno prijateljstvo uzrokovano nuždom. ”

U to vrijeme gospodin DeLoach vodio je odjel za evidenciju kaznenih djela koji je također bio zadužen za javne poslove. Bio je glavni glasnogovornik ureda u istrazi ubojstava Jamesa Earla Chaneyja, Andrewa Goodmana i Michaela Schwernera, trojice radnika za zaštitu ljudskih prava koje je ubio Ku Klux Klan u Mississippiju početkom ljeta 1964. Njihova tijela nisu otkrio je do kolovoza da je gospodin DeLoach nazvao predsjednika da mu dostavi vijest.

Johnson je pozvao ured da izvrši zadatke koji su izazvali trvenja s drugim agencijama. U strahu od atentata, dodao je F.B.I. agenti na njegove sigurnosne detalje, kršeći na području Tajne službe. I privukao je ured u političku arenu, tražeći istrage protiv političkih protivnika i izvjestitelja.

Gospodin DeLoach bio je glavni kanal između Johnsona i Hoovera, iako je priznao da zna da je predsjednik povremeno pitao F.B.I. da bi prekoračio svoja ovlaštenja, rekao je da su to učinili i drugi predsjednici, te da je teško kada je predsjednik Sjedinjenih Država nešto zatražio.

"DeLoach je uvijek bio na dohvat ruke, danju i noću", rekao je Tim Weiner, bivši izvjestitelj New York Timesa i autor knjige "Enemies: A History of the F.B.I.", objavljene prošle godine. “Bio je talentiran čovjek s političkim sjekirama, pouzdani zamjenik Hoovera. Također je bio ključan za obavještajne istrage provedene za vrijeme Johnsonovog predsjedništva. ”

G. DeLoach postao je šef F.B.I. istrage 1965., što je vodilo napad biroa na Klana nakon ubojstava 1964. u Mississippiju. Nadzirao je istragu o ubojstvu velečasnog dr. Martina Luthera Kinga mlađeg 1968. No, on je također bio dio nadzora ureda nad pokretom za građanska prava i bio je svjestan tajnog nadzora doktora Kinga u svom uredu. privatni život. U knjizi gospodina Weinera Nicholas Katzenbach, glavni odvjetnik Johnsona, rekao je kako vjeruje da je gospodin DeLoach novinarima ponudio priliku da slušaju trake doktora Kinga koji je imao spolni odnos sa ženom koja mu nije supruga.

Gospodin DeLoach je odbacio tu optužbu.

Cartha Dekle DeLoach rođena je 20. srpnja 1920. u Claxtonu, Ga., Oko 50 milja zapadno od Savane. Njegov otac, Cartha Calhoun DeLoach, bio je "nekakav trgovac", rekao je Tom DeLoach. Otac je umro kad je Cartha, njegovo jedino dijete, imala 10 godina i "ostavila je obitelj u velikom dugu", rekao je Tom DeLoach. Mlada Cartha radila je na poljima pamuka kako bi pomogla u plaćanju računa, a njegova majka, bivša Eula Dekle, prihvatila je granice. Igrao je nogomet u srednjoj školi Claxton, a stipendiju za nogomet otišao je na sveučilište Stetson na Floridi, gdje je igrao beka.

G. DeLoach pridružio se F.B.I. u kolovozu 1942. kao referent te je tog prosinca postao specijalni agent. Prije odlaska na vojni dopust radio je u terenskim uredima u Norfolku, Va. I Clevelandu. Služio je u mornarici od 1944. do 1946. Tijekom svog mandata u uredu pod vodstvom Hoovera, njeni su se prioriteti promijenili s istjerivanja špijuna tijekom i nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata, na borbu protiv komunističkih ideologa u prvim godinama hladnog rata, na progon uočenih prijetnji zemlji u pokretima za građanska prava i rat protiv Vijetnama.

“Dekeova predanost F.B.I. a američkom narodu općenito bio je zaštitni znak njegova života, ”Robert S. Mueller III, F.B.I. ravnatelja, stoji u priopćenju.

Osim sina Toma, iza gospodina DeLoacha ostala je njegova 68 -godišnja supruga, bivša Barbara Owens, još tri sina, Cartha Jr., koja je poznata i kao Deke, Gregory i Mark, tri kćeri, Barbara Lancaster, Theresa DeLoach i Sharon Bleifeld i "bezbroj unučadi i praunučadi", rekao je Tom DeLoach.


Što o Nixonu nije uspjelo. To ne bi trebalo zaustaviti istragu nereda na Kapitoliju

James D. Robenalt odvjetnik je i autor četiriju znanstvenih knjiga, uključujući Siječanj 1973., Watergate, Roe protiv Wadea, Vijetnam i mjesec koji je zauvijek promijenio Ameriku. Živi u Shaker Heightsu, Ohio.

Ideja o postojanju ekvivalentnosti & mdashmoralnog ili na neki drugi način između nereda na Kapitolu 6. siječnja i Black Lives Matter -a i ulične uznemirenosti Antifa je apsurdna. Republikanski pokušaji podmornice prijedloga povjerenstva od 6. siječnja temeljenog na izoliranim incidentima urbanog nasilja koji su nastali tijekom legitimnih građanskih prosvjeda zbog zlostavljanja policije potpuna su varka. No, šta je o omiljenoj taktizi političara koji nemaju dobar odgovor na vlastite malverzacije ili na sljedbenike.

Uzmimo & rsquos za primjer Richarda Nixona i Watergatea.

U siječnju 1973. Richard Nixon suočio se s ljepljivom situacijom. Pokušavao je okončati Vijetnamski rat za SAD brutalnom taktikom jer diplomacija nije uspjela. U prosincu je Nixon, bez odobrenja Kongresa, pokrenuo kaznenu kampanju bombardiranja Hanoja i luke Haiphong kako bi vratio Sjeverne Vijetnamce za pregovarački stol u Parizu. Strategija je imala određeni uspjeh, iako na račun međunarodnog bijesa zbog bombardiranja civilnih centara.

Nixon je želio podršku bivšeg predsjednika Lyndona Johnsona, a 2. siječnja 1973. obratio mu se za posljednji telefonski poziv. Johnson je potaknuo Nixona da nastavi s tim. & ldquoPa, samo osjećam mučenje koje proživljavaš u Vijetnamu ", rekao je rdquo Johnson. Nixon je odgovorio: & ldquoKao što znate, a ja i rsquom smo sigurni da se i vi osjećate isto, mi & rsquove moramo ovo završiti na pravi način, a ne na pogrešan način. & Rdquo

Johnson je odgovorio, gotovo nečujno, & ldquoTi & rsquore to radiš, a ja ti želim samo sve najbolje. & Rdquo

Komplikacija za Nixona bila je ta što je suđenje Watergate provalnicima & rsquo upravo trebalo započeti u sudnici suca Johna Sirice & rsquosa u Washingtonu. Howard Hunt, jedan od vođa provalnika, priznao je krivnju prije nego što je suđenje počelo, vjerujući da je implicitno obećao pomilovanje putem svojih odvjetničkih razgovora s Chuckom Colsonom, savjetnikom iz Nixona. Sve je to demokratima u Senatu izgledalo sumnjivo, uključujući Teda Kennedyja, Sama Irvina i Mikea Mansfielda, koji su stvarali zvukove istrage o Watergateu i političkim smicalicama u kampanji 1972. godine.

Nixon je želio strategiju koja bi izgladila apetit Kongresa za opsežnu istragu o Watergateu. John Dean, savjetnik Nixon & rsquos Bijele kuće, predložio je načelniku osoblja Nixon & rsquosa Bobu Haldemanu da Nixon pretura po FBI -u kako bi provjerio ima li potkrepljenja za glasine da je LBJ prisluškivao avion Nixon & rsquos u kampanji 1968. godine. J. Edgar Hoover navodno je rekao Nixonu nakon što je izabran da mu je Johnson prisluškivao zrakoplov.

Nixon to nikada nije zaboravio. A sada je Dean preporučio da pokušaju & ldquoturno isključiti & rdquo istragu Watergate prijeteći da će razotkriti demokratska djela 1968. godine ili o čemu.

Nixon je naredio detaljno proučavanje dosjea FBI -a i zatražio je od svog osoblja da kontaktira bivšeg pomoćnika FBI -a u Hooveru, Cartha & ldquoDeke & rdquo DeLoach, kako bi saznali postoje li čvrsti dokazi o prisluškivanju zrakoplova iz 1968. godine. Ovo je bila opasna igra, jer je Nixon znao da će LBJ reagirati s bijesom ako sazna. Bez obzira na to, Nixon je ustrajao.

Nixon je 11. siječnja zatražio ažuriranje od Haldemana. John Mitchell, državni odvjetnik Nixona & rsquosa, razgovarao je s DeLoachom, koji je, prema snimci Haldemana i Ovalnog ureda, potvrdio da se Nixon špijunirao. DeLoach se ponudio pomoći u pronalaženju potvrdnih dokaza, ali je odbio dati izjavu pod zakletvom. Nixon je bio nesretan. & ldquoBob, želim ga od DeLoacha. & rdquo

Svi zabrinuti bili su oprezni zbog Johnson & rsquos reakcije. Schemer kakav je bio, Nixon je predložio da netko kaže Johnsonu da je Washington Star bio na priči o greškama iz 1968. i da su zajedno morali ugušiti priču rekavši Kongresu da povuče sve istrage kampanje, bilo 1968. ili 1972. godine.

Trik se nije uspio. & ldquoLBJ se jako zagrijao, & rdquo prema Haldemanu, nazvao DeLoacha i rekao: & ldquoi ako će se Nixonovi ljudi poigrati s ovim, da će pustiti [izbrisani materijal & mdashnacionalnu sigurnost], rekavši da naša strana traži da se učine određene stvari. & rdquo Kakva god bila protu prijetnja, bila je dovoljno ozbiljna da se do danas može klasificirati.

Na kraju, igra nije ništa spriječila istragu Watergatea. Senat je u veljači izglasao početak svoje istrage. Ta slavna istraga, koju su vodili demokrata iz Sjeverne Karoline Sam Irvin i republikanac iz Tennesseeja Howard Baker, slomila je leđa Nixonovoj administraciji i rsquos kriminalnom prikrivanju provale u Watergate. John Dean razbio je redove i svjedočio o vlastitoj krivici u zataškavanju i svom upozorenju Nixonu da je na mjestu predsjednika rastući. & Rdquo Svjedočenje Deana & rsquos u potpunosti je potvrđeno kada je Vrhovni sud naredio da se kasete Bijele kuće predaju Srpnja 1974. Nekoliko tjedana kasnije, Nixon je dao ostavku.

O čemu je opasna strategija. Barem u primjeru Watergatea dva su slučaja bila ekvivalentna, ako je istina & mdashboth uključivala predsjednički nadzor koji je vjerojatno bio nezakonit. Trenutna situacija je uvelike drugačija. Usporedba prosvjednog nasilja povezanog s uličnim demonstracijama mogla bi biti jabuka i jabuka, pa na primjer, nasilje na BLM prosvjedima izjednačeno s nasiljem pristaša Trumpovih ponosnih dječaka na uličnim prosvjedima u Washingtonu u prosincu 2020. mdashthese bi se moglo smatrati svojevrsnom.

Ali nasilna pobuna na Kapitoliju Sjedinjenih Država sa svrhom da spriječi Kongres da ovjeri predsjedničke izbore je potpuno drugačijeg karaktera i razmjera. Prednji napad na demokraciju potpuno se razlikuje od uličnog nasilja koje policija lako kontrolira. Imali smo nereda u našim gradovima i pljačke povezane s građanskim nemirima, ali nikada nismo stavili sjedište vlade pod opsadu, osim u vrijeme rata s Britanijom 1812.

Ako republikanci žele istražiti ulično nasilje, mogu ga slobodno ispitati. No, za naš oblik vladavine imperativ je da se pobuna 6. siječnja potpuno i potpuno istraži.


FBI -ev dosje glavnog urednika istražitelja u atentatu na Martina Luthera Kinga mlađeg ne spominje njegove napore

U zbirci materijala dugih tisuća stranica koji se protežu od razdoblja od kasnih rsquo40-ih do ranih rsquo00-ih, spis Federalnog istražnog ureda Cartha & ldquoDeke & rdquo DeLoach, nekad treći glavni u agenciji-iza J. Edgara Hoovera on sam i desna ruka Clyde Tolson - ima dosta prepiske i toplih riječi između zloglasnog šefa ureda i onog koji je vodio istragu o atentatu na Martina Luthera Kinga, ali nema gotovo ništa za reći o poznatim građanskim pravima vođa ili godina njegove smrti.

Podijeljen na šest dijelova i također dostupan u trezoru FBI -a, jedini materijali iz 1968., godine smrti MLK Jr., povezani su s fizičkom sposobnošću agenta i hellip

ili uključiti pohvale za njegovo vođenje istrage Jamesa Earla Raya.

Drugi spomen slavnog vođe uklonjen je iz spisa, prema sudskim nalozima u Bernard S. Lee protiv Clarence M. Kelley i Southern Christian Leadership protiv Clarence M. Kelley, which were related to the extreme surveillance and blackmail of MLK by the Bureau itself as part of COINTELPRO, an effort in which DeLoach was heavily-involved. Records-wise, the outcome involved passing off the FBI surveillance materials to the National Archives and Records Administration to hold under lock-and-key for another 50 years.

The file extends well beyond DeLoach’s retirement from the Bureau in 1970, featuring materials from the next 30 years, including a letter related to the man’s application for a concealed weapon at the age of 82.

Read the final part of DeLoach&rsquos FBI file embedded below, and the rest on the request page.


"What do you think happened to them?"

Over the next four hours, the president spoke to the Speaker of the House (twice) and the secretary of commerce—Southerner Luther Hodges—about the complications of using extensive federal force in the South. He also made several calls regarding campaign issues and received a message from Attorney General Robert Kennedy. At 3:35 p.m., Johnson tried to return Kennedy’s call, but he spoke instead to Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach. This snippet is part of a nine-minute call.

Datum: June 23, 1964
Vrijeme: 3:35 p.m.
Participants: Lyndon Johnson, Nicholas Katzenbach
Traka: WH6406.13
Conversation: 3832
Click to listen to the whole conversation.


It was in 1942 that DeLoach joined the FBI, where he would spend most of his career. In 1965 Hoover promoted him to the job of deputy director of the bureau. DeLoach was involved in the investigation of the assassination of John F. Kennedy. [ potreban je citat ]

DeLoach, who was the third-ranking official at the FBI under Hoover, and briefed Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon on the bureau’s activities, was the last surviving member of Hoover’s inner circle. He was, in many ways, the classic agent — a former college football player, a keeper of secrets and a Hoover loyalist to the end. “On the positive side, he was very smart, he had an incredible memory and was totally well informed about the FBI and J. Edgar Hoover’s activities,” Ronald Kessler, author of The Secrets of the FBI and other books about American national administration, said in an interview. “On the negative side, he was used by Hoover to further Hoover’s agenda.”

Opponents sometimes thought of DeLoach as Hoover’s henchman, possessing salacious secrets that could silence the FBI’s enemies. In the 1960s, when the bureau engaged in surveillance of political figures and suspected dissidents, DeLoach was “a courier to the White House of the juicy gleanings from the FBI,” in the words of Vrijeme časopis.

DeLoach helped burnish the bureau’s public image throughout the 1960s. He played a bigger role than any other FBI official in arranging a deal with Hollywood mogul Jack L. Warner for a network television series about the FBI and he himself would assess the scripts before production. The ABC series The FBI began in 1965 and ran for several years.

Preferring to avoid being well known to the general public, DeLoach could nevertheless match Hoover on occasion in delivering fiery anti-communist speeches. He often had daily meetings with Johnson (the president to whom he was always closest), and, as early as 1965, was seen as the heir apparent to Hoover as director of the FBI. But things did not work out thus Hoover showed not the slightest interest in retiring from the job which he had held since 1924. He was still serving as FBI director when he died at age 77 in 1972.

According to DeLoach’s son Tom, his father turned down three offers to be director of the FBI — one by Johnson and two when Nixon was president. “Under President Nixon, Attorney General Richard Kleindienst made that offer twice,” Tom DeLoach said. “He found it easier to turn down an attorney general. It might have been different if the president had asked.”

DeLoach retired from the bureau in 1970, on his 50th birthday. According to a syndicated column that year by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, there was some relief within the FBI at DeLoach's departure, because DeLoach was considered there to be guilty of “right-wing bias and blatant opportunism.”

In the 1970s, DeLoach confirmed to Washington Post the existence of the FBI’s domestic spying program. Among other things, the FBI had tapes of Martin Luther King’s bedroom encounters with women other than his wife. Sen. Henry M. Jackson (D-Wash.) called the revelations “outrageous” and said the FBI’s snooping “goes to the heart of the separation of powers.”

Several journalists said DeLoach had offered to reveal the tapes in an effort to discredit King in the 1960s, but DeLoach always denied ever having made such offers. [ potreban je citat ] He said the FBI investigated King only to determine if the civil rights movement had been infiltrated by communists. “Everything was initiated by Hoover,” Kessler said.

Nonetheless, when it came to old-fashioned crime fighting, few could find fault with DeLoach. He was instrumental in developing a nationwide computerized crime database, now known as National Crime Information Center, or NCIC.

He helped lead the FBI’s investigation of the killings of civil rights workers James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner in 1964. After King was assassinated in 1968, DeLoach personally directed the investigation that led to the dramatic and internationally publicized arrest of James Earl Ray.

Soon after his graduation in 1942, DeLoach joined the FBI. He had assignments in Norfolk and Cleveland before serving in the Navy during the later stages of World War II. In 1946 he returned to the FBI he was assigned to the Washington headquarters a year later.

He began working in 1953 with deputy director Clyde Tolson, the No. 2 official at the FBI and Hoover’s closest friend and confidant. Thereafter DeLoach had jobs in the crime-records and communications divisions until the early 1960s, and had an office near Hoover’s. In later interviews, DeLoach sometimes said Hoover considered him “the son he never had.”

After leaving the FBI, DeLoach worked as vice-president of corporate affairs for PepsiCo, Inc. From 1985 onward, DeLoach lived in Hilton Head Island, where he was chairman of a banking company and the chief fundraiser for an arts center.

DeLoach published a book about his experiences and about the FBI in general: Hoover’s FBI: The Inside Story by J. Edgar Hoover’s Trusted Lieutenant, in 1995. Some years before that book appeared, allegations surfaced that Hoover not only dressed in women's clothing but had a homosexual relationship with Tolson (who had died in 1975). In a 1993 interview on CNN’s “Larry King Live,” DeLoach condemned the accusations as “third-handed gossip, innuendo, lies, deceit” and “a pile of garbage.” He discussed the question again in Hoover's FBI, and again (but this time in greater detail) dismissed the charges as having no basis.


From FDR to Nixon

When Franklin Roosevelt became president in 1933, Hoover worked hard to develop a close working relationship with the president. Roosevelt helped promote Hoover's crime control program and expand FBI authority. Hoover grew the FBI from a small, relatively limited agency into a large and influential one. He then provided the president with information on his critics, and even some foreign intelligence, all while ingratiating himself with FDR to retain his job.

President Harry Truman didn't much like Hoover, and thought his FBI was a potential "citizen spy system."

Hoover found President Dwight Eisenhower to be an ideological ally with an interest in expanding FBI surveillance. This led to increased FBI use of illegal microphones and wiretaps. The president looked the other way as the FBI carried out its sometimes questionable investigations.

But when John F. Kennedy became president in 1961, Hoover's relationship with the president faced a challenge. JFK's brother, Robert Kennedy, was made attorney general. Given JFK's close relationship with his brother, Hoover could no longer bypass his boss and deal directly with the president, as he so often did in the past. Not seeing eye to eye with the Kennedys, Hoover cut back on volunteering political intelligence reports to the White House. Instead, he only responded to requests, while collecting information on JFK's extramarital affairs.

President John F. Kennedy, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, and Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy. Wikimedia Commons/Abbie Rowe

By contrast, President Lyndon Johnson had a voracious appetite for FBI political intelligence reports. Under his presidency, the FBI became a direct vehicle for servicing the president's political interests. LBJ issued an executive order exempting Hoover from mandatory retirement at the time, when the FBI director reached age 70. Owing his job to LBJ, Hoover designated a top FBI official, FBI Assistant Director Cartha "Deke" DeLoach, as the official FBI liaison to the president.

The FBI monitored the Democratic National Convention at LBJ's request. When Johnson's aide, Walter Jenkins, was caught soliciting gay sex in a YMCA, Deke DeLoach worked directly with the president in dealing with the backlash.

One might think that when Richard Nixon ascended to the presidency in 1968, he would have found an ally in Hoover, given their shared anti-Communism. Hoover continued to provide a wealth of political intelligence to Nixon through a formal program called INLET. However, Hoover also felt vulnerable given intensified public protest due to the Vietnam War and public focus on his actions at the FBI.

Hoover held back in using intrusive surveillance such as wiretaps, microphones and break-ins as he had in the past. He resisted Nixon's attempts to centralize intelligence coordination in the White House, especially when Nixon asked that the FBI use intrusive surveillance to find White House leaks. Not satisfied, the Nixon administration created its own leak-stopping unit: the White House plumbers &ndash which ended in the Watergate scandal.

Not until after Hoover's death did Americans learn of his abuses of authority. Reform followed.

In 1976, Congress mandated a 10-year term for FBI directors. The Justice Department later issued guidelines on how the FBI director was to deal with the White House and the president, and how to conduct investigations. These guidelines have been reaffirmed, revised and reissued by subsequent attorneys general, most recently in 2009. The guidelines state, for example: "Initial communications between the Department and the White House concerning pending or contemplated criminal investigations or cases will involve only the Attorney General or the Deputy Attorney General."

These rules were intended to ensure the integrity of criminal investigations, avoid political influence and protect both the Justice Department and president. If Trump attempted to bypass these guidelines and woo Comey, that would represent a potentially dangerous return to the past.


Edited by Kent B. Germany, with Kieran K. Matthews and Marc J. Selverstone

The day before this conversation, the White House sent the U.S. Army into Detroit to quell the violent disorder. In this midmorning telephone call, President Johnson informed FBI director J. Edgar Hoover that the number of incidents declined dramatically after the troops’ arrival and that they did not shoot anyone. Director Hoover passed along some conspiratorial information he had about Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s views about the disorders, while Johnson offered his own interpretations that some of his liberal rivals were possibly using the War on Poverty to incite the riots. He ordered Hoover to prepare a memo to try to find a “central connection” about all of the disturbances.

Johnson also wanted the FBI to lobby key senators to support the continuation of the Subversive Activities Control Board. Five days earlier, on 20 July, the Senate had confirmed Simon McHugh to lead the board despite accusations that the 29-year-old had gotten the high-paying job because he was married to one of Johnson’s favorite former White House secretaries, Victoria “Vicki” McCammon of Texas. [note 1] “Senate Approves Red Control Aide,” New York Times, 21 July 1967.

—Mr. President. I just got word that Martin Luther King [Jr.] will give a press conference at 11:00 this morning in Atlanta. [note 2] Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was a leader in the civil rights movement pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, from 1954 to 1960 organizer of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in 1957 co-pastor (with his father) of the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia, from 1960 until his assassination on 4 April 1968 and recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964. Now, the statement King is to make will differ very greatly from what Roy [O.] Wilkins has said and what Whitney [M.] Young [Jr.] has said and will, in a sense, condone the national result from the inhuman conditions that the Negroes are forced to exist in the country. [note 3] Roy O. Wilkins was executive secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) from 1955 to 1964 executive director of the NAACP from 1965 to 1977 and recipient of the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1967. Whitney M. Young Jr. was executive director of the National Urban League from 1961 to 1971. King held a press conference on this day, 25 July, and sent a long telegram to the White House emphasizing the problem of unemployment. He was quoted in a UPI report as saying, “Revolts come out of revolting conditions. A riot is the language of the unheard. It is a suicidal act—that last desperate act—when the Negro says, “I’m tired of living like a dog.” “Dr. King Supports Troops in Detroit,” New York Times, 26 July 1967. King has . . . was told by [Stanley D.] Levison, who is his principal adviser—and who’s a secret Communist—that he has more to gain nationally by agreeing with the violence that is coming out against it, as the President is afraid at this time and is willing to make concessions for it. [note 4] Stanley D. Levison was a successful entrepreneur who served as a key adviser to and speechwriter for Martin Luther King Jr. in the 1950s and early 1960s, and who was identified by FBI spies as an active fundraiser for the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) in the early 1950s. In October 1962, the FBI began a COMINFIL (Communist infiltration) investigation on the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). That year, Attorney General Robert Kennedy also authorized the FBI to place wiretaps on Levison’s phones. The FBI spies who uncovered Levison’s CPUSA affiliation, Jack Childs and Morris Childs, were the centerpieces of Operation SOLO, and they reported that Levison had drifted away from the Party by 1957. As several historians and a 1977 FBI task force have concluded, Levison’s primary interest to the Bureau in the early 1960s was his relationship with King. To widen the net on King and Levison, the Bureau also tapped the phones of SCLC attorney Clarence Jones, who communicated with both men. According to the 1977 FBI task force report and the 1976 Church Committee Report, in the summer of 1963, Robert Kennedy turned down a request to have direct surveillance of King, but relented to FBI concerns about King in October. On 10 October 1963, Attorney General Kennedy issued a memorandum authorizing the FBI to place telephone wiretaps on King’s home and on the New York City offices of the SCLC. The FBI eventually added the Atlanta SNCC office, a residence of a King associate, and beginning on 5 January 1964, a series of hotel rooms occupied by King. The Church Committee declared that they found no evidence that the FBI had ever told Kennedy about those hotel “microphones” or that Kennedy was aware of them. According to the Church Committee Report, Attorney General Katzenbach had ended all wiretaps on King by 30 April 1965. On 30 June, Johnson issued an order drafted by the Justice Department that no wiretaps could be put in place except in national security cases and then only with the authorization of the attorney general. Katzenbach established a new tap on the Atlanta SCLC office phones from 27 October 1965 to 21 June 1966. Ramsey Clark refused requests in 1968 and 1969. Beyond the wiretaps and hotel microphones, the FBI also engaged in COINTELPRO activities (included in what the FBI task force called “harassment”) against King from 1964 until his assassination in 1968. Historian David Garrow has argued that the FBI’s intensive investigation into Levison had gone cold by 1963, and the Bureau shifted to a “conscious and explicit desire to destroy King as a public figure.” See Lyndon B. Johnson and Cartha “Deke” DeLoach, 20 November 1964, Conversation WH6411-25-6431. The most complete narrative is in the 1976 Church Committee Report on the FBI and King. See “Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Case Study,” Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, United States Senate: Together with Additional, Supplemental, and Separate Views, Book 3, Supplementary Detailed Staff Reports on Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans (Washington, DC: GPO, 1976), 79–184 [pp. 115–19 for beginning and ending dates for wiretaps], http://archive.org/details/finalreportofsel03unit. For the FBI’s 1977 report on Martin Luther King Jr., see “Report of the Department of Justice Task Force to Review the FBI Martin Luther King Jr., Security and Assassination Investigations,” FBI Records: The Vault, Part 1 and Part 2. For the section entitled “FBI Surveillance and Harassment of Dr. King,” see pp.113–38 of that report. For the FBI’s massive public file on Stanley Levison, see “Stanley Levison,” FBI Records: The Vault, Parts 1–109, https://vault.fbi.gov/. An effective chapter-length summary of the King surveillance is found in Nick Kotz, Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Laws That Changed America (New York: Houghton-Mifflin, 2005), 68–86. Other key works on the topic include: David J. Garrow, The FBI and Martin Luther King Jr.: From “Solo” to Memphis (New York: W. W. Norton, 1981), 151–52 Kenneth O’Reilly, Racial Matters: The FBI’s Secret File on Black America, 1960–1972 (New York: Free Press, 1989) Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954–1963 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988) Taylor Branch, Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998) Jeff Woods, Black Struggle, Red Scare: Segregation and Anti-Communism in the South, 1948–1968 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2004). King said that the worst has not yet happened in this country in such places as Cleveland, Oakland, and Philadelphia. King referred specifically to Chicago and said, “They gave me the plan today in Chicago. They don’t plan to burn down the West side they are planning to get the Loop in Chicago.” That’s the substance of information. We got that highly confidentially over the technicals.

Mm-hmm, mm-hmm, mm-hmm. Well, I hope you’ll communicate that to [Richard J. “Dick”] Daley, so that his people will know. [note 5] Richard J. “Dick” Daley was the Democratic mayor of Chicago, Illinois, from April 1955 to December 1976. I’d let your man—


DeLoach was born in Stetson University. [1] He was a child when his father died, and he was working in cotton and tobacco fields by the time he was 10. DeLoach joined the FBI in 1942, and in 1965 Hoover promoted him to deputy director of the FBI. DeLoach was involved in the investigation of the assassination of John F. Kennedy and in a memorandum sent to Tolson, DeLoach claimed that President Lyndon Johnson "felt the CIA had something to do with the plot" to kill President Kennedy.

Cartha D. “Deke” DeLoach, who was the third-ranking official at the FBI under J. Edgar Hoover and briefed the president on the bureau’s activities in the late 1960s. Mr. DeLoach spent 28 years at the Federal Bureau of Investigation and was the last surviving member of Hoover’s inner circle. He was, in many ways, the classic agent — a former college football player, a keeper of secrets and a Hoover loyalist to the end. As assistant to the director, Mr. DeLoach led high-profile crime investigations, including the manhunt that led to the capture of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassin, but he had an ambiguous role in the bureau. “On the positive side, he was very smart, he had an incredible memory and was totally well informed about the FBI and J. Edgar Hoover’s activities,” Ronald Kessler, author of “The Secrets of the FBI” and other books about the FBI, said in an interview. “On the negative side, he was used by Hoover to further Hoover’s agenda.”

Opponents sometimes thought of Mr. DeLoach as Hoover’s henchman, possessing salacious secrets that could silence the FBI’s enemies. In the 1960s, when the bureau engaged in surveillance of political figures and suspected dissidents, Mr. DeLoach was “a courier to the White House of the juicy gleanings from the FBI,” in the words of Time magazine.

Mr. DeLoach helped burnish the bureau’s public image throughout the 1960s. He negotiated a deal with Hollywood mogul Jack Warner for a network television series about the FBI and reviewed scripts. The ABC series “The F.B.I.” began in 1965 and ran for several years.

Mr. DeLoach delivered fiery anti-communist speeches, often had daily meetings with President Lyndon B. Johnson and, as early as 1965, was seen as the heir apparent to Hoover as director of the FBI. But Hoover turned 70, then 75, and showed no interest in retiring from the job he had held since 1924. He was still serving as FBI director when he died at age 77 in 1972.

According to Mr. DeLoach’s son, his father turned down three offers to be director of the FBI — one by Johnson and two when Richard Nixon was president.“Under President Nixon, Attorney General Richard Kleindienst made that offer twice,” Tom DeLoach said. “He found it easier to turn down an attorney general. It might have been different if the president had asked.”

Mr. DeLoach retired from the bureau in 1970, on his 50th birthday. According to a syndicated column that year by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, there was some relief within the FBI because of Mr. DeLoach’s perceived “right-wing bias and blatant opportunism.” He then became a vice president of corporate affairs for Pepsi¬Co but continued to consult occasionally with the FBI for years.

In the 1970s, Mr. DeLoach confirmed to The Washington Post the existence of the FBI’s domestic spying program. Among other things, the FBI had tapes of King’s bedroom encounters with women other than his wife. Sen. Henry M. Jackson (D-Wash.) called the revelations “outrageous” and said the FBI’s snooping “goes to the heart of the separation of powers.”

Several journalists said Mr. DeLoach had offered to reveal the tapes in an effort to discredit King in the 1960s, but Mr. De¬Loach vigorously denied the charges. He said the FBI investigated King only to determine if the civil rights movement had been infiltrated by communists. “Everything was initiated by Hoover,” Kessler said.

Nonetheless, when it came to old-fashioned crime fighting, few could find fault with Mr. De-Loach. He was instrumental in developing a nationwide computerized crime database, now known as National Crime Information Center, or NCIC.

He helped lead the FBI’s investigation of the killings of civil rights workers James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner in 1964. After King was assassinated in 1968, Mr. DeLoach personally directed the investigation that led to the arrest of James Earl Ray.

Soon after his graduation in 1942, he joined the FBI. He had assignments in Norfolk and Cleveland before serving in the Navy during World War II. He returned to the FBI in 1946 and was assigned to the Washington headquarters a year later.

He began working in 1953 with deputy director Clyde Tolson, the No. 2 official at the FBI and Hoover’s closest friend and confidant. Mr. DeLoach had jobs in the crime-records and communications divisions throughout the 1950s and had an office near Hoover’s.

In later interviews, Mr. De¬Loach sometimes said Hoover considered him “the son he never had.” Since 1985, Mr. DeLoach had lived in Hilton Head Island, where he was chairman of a banking company and the chief fundraiser for an arts center.

He published a book about his experiences, “Hoover’s FBI: The Inside Story by J. Edgar Hoover’s Trusted Lieutenant,” in 1995.

In the 1990s, allegations surfaced that Hoover — who often seemed curious about the sex lives of others — may have had a homosexual relationship with Tolson, who died in 1974.

In a 1993 interview on CNN’s “Larry King Live,” Mr. DeLoach refuted the accusations as “third-handed gossip, innuendo, lies, deceit” and “a pile of garbage.”

In 1970, DeLoach retired from the FBI and became vice president of corporate affairs for PepsiCo, Inc.


DeLoach, Cartha "Deke"

From the Sub-Series: Personal Topical Files cover issues and projects in which West was interested or involved as a private citizen. Middle East files, circa 1974 to 2003, consist chiefly of correspondence with businessmen, diplomats, and personal friends, as well as with American and Saudi Arabian government officials. Following his years as ambassador, West‘s continuing interest in the Middle East, its business opportunities, culture, and conflicts, is reflected in his ongoing correspondence with various Saudi citizens and officials, including members of the royal family. From the time of his return to South Carolina in 1981 until his death in 2004, West was frequently called upon as an expert in Middle Eastern affairs, whether for interviews with local or national media or as a special envoy of the State Department. West corresponded with a number of diplomats and State Department colleagues, offering advice to his successors in Foreign Service in the Middle East. The files also include West's response to The American House of Saud: The Secret Petrodollar Connection, a 1985 book by Steven Emerson. West‘s business interests in the Middle East included involvement with the Saudi American Business Roundtable and consulting work. His interest prior to becoming ambassador is depicted in substantial files relating to the 1976 South Carolina Trade Mission to the Middle East led by West. The Mission was designed to promote closer economic ties with the region. The group principally visited Saudi Arabia and Kuwait.

Other Personal Topical files reflect groups and institutions in which West was involved, such as the Presbyterian Church, the Southern Council on International and Public Affairs, and the Education Commission of the States‘ Task Force on Responsible Decisions about Alcohol, which West chaired. The Democratic Party files demonstrate West's involvement in the party throughout his life. Of particular interest is a confidential analysis of the political situation in South Carolina co-authored by West a few months before the 1960 presidential election. This report was written for the Democratic National Committee. Separate files on Political Candidates include information on West‘s endorsements of and contributions to both Democratic and Republican candidates, particularly in South Carolina races.

One of West‘s longtime endeavors was an effort to improve education in South Carolina, particularly at his alma maters, The Citadel and the University of South Carolina. There are extensive Personal Topical files on West‘s fundraising efforts for and involvement at the two schools. Among these are files on The Citadel‘s close-knit class of 1942, which included numerous well-known South Carolinians in addition to West, other members of the class were Ernest F. Hollings and future Citadel presidents George M. "Obbe" Seignious and James A. "Alex" Grimsley. Further demonstrating West‘s commitment to education are files on the West Foundation, a non-profit corporation established in 1974 and designed to sponsor educational programs through grants both to institutions and to individual students. As a result of the Foundation‘s efforts, the John C. West Professorship of Government and International Relations was established at The Citadel. The Foundation has also distributed scholarships to undergraduates and sponsored numerous lecture series and seminars on international issues. More recently, the West Foundation helped bring into existence the University of South Carolina‘s John C. West Forum on Politics and Policy, an initiative of the Department of Political Science (formerly the Department of Government and International Studies). West‘s longstanding support of USC and work for the department as a lecturer led to the naming of the Forum in his honor according to the original proposal included in the West Forum files, the Forum‘s mission is to "promote and promulgate the civic values and political leadership exemplified in the career of Governor West." Also included in the files on USC is material relating to the Forum, as well as correspondence, lecture outlines, and research materials related to West‘s position as Distinguished Visiting Professor of Mid-East Studies at the University of South Carolina.