Jay Lovestone

Jay Lovestone

Jacob Liebstein rođen je u Hrodni, današnja Bjelorusija, 15. prosinca 1897. Obitelj je 15. rujna stigla na otok Ellis. Od tog datuma Jakov je usvojio ime Jay Lovestone. Njegovi su se roditelji smjestili kući na Donjoj istočnoj strani, ali su se kasnije preselili u Bronx.

Kao mladić postao je sljedbenik Daniela De Leona. 1915. postao je student City Collegea u New Yorku. Lovestone se sprijateljio s Bertramom Wolfeom, a dvojica su se pridružila Socijalističkoj partiji Amerike i Međukolegijalnom socijalističkom društvu.

Lovestone je također bio pristaša ruske revolucije i pridružio se Savezu komunističke propagande. Lovestone je diplomirao u lipnju 1918. Sljedeće godine počeo je studirati na Pravnom fakultetu Sveučilišta New York. U veljači 1919. Lovestone je udružio snage s Bertramom Wolfeom, Johnom Reedom i Benjaminom Gitlowom kako bi stvorili ljevičarsku frakciju u Socijalističkoj partiji Amerike koja je zagovarala politiku boljševika u Rusiji.

Dana 24. svibnja 1919. vodstvo je izbacilo 20.000 članova koji su podržavali ovu frakciju. Proces se nastavio i do početka srpnja dvije trećine stranke bilo je suspendirano ili protjerano. Ova grupa, uključujući Lovestone, Earl Browder, John Reed, James Cannon, Bertram Wolfe, William Bross Lloyd, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Ella Reeve Bloor, Charles Ruthenberg, Rose Pastor Stokes, Claude McKay, Michael Gold i Robert Minor, odlučila je osnovati Komunistička partija Sjedinjenih Država. Do kraja 1919. imala je 60.000 članova, dok je Socijalistička partija Amerike imala samo 40.000.

Godine 1921. Lovestone je postao urednik partijskih novina, The Communist, te je sjedio u uredničkom odboru The Liberator. Lovestone se povezao sa skupinom koju je vodio Charles A. Ruthenberg i koja je zagovarala strategiju klasnog ratovanja. Druga skupina, predvođena Williamom Z. Fosterom i Jamesom Cannonom, vjerovala je da bi se njihovi napori trebali usredotočiti na izgradnju radikalizirane Američke federacije rada.

Lenjin je umro 21. siječnja 1924. Skupina pod vodstvom Williama Z. Fostera vjerovala je da bi Josip Staljin trebao postati novi vođa Sovjetskog Saveza. Međutim, Lovestonova frakcija podržala je Nikolaja Buharina. Kad se Staljin pojavio kao pobjednik, Lovestone je izgubio određeni utjecaj u američkoj komunističkoj partiji.

Odlučeno je da bi, budući da je William Z. Foster imao snažne sljedbenike u sindikalnom pokretu, trebao biti stranački kandidat na predsjedničkim izborima 1924. godine. Foster se nije snašao i osvojio je samo 38.669 glasova (0,1 od ukupnog broja glasova). To se loše usporedilo s drugim lijevim kandidatom, Robertom La Folletteom, iz Napredne stranke, koji je dobio 4.831.706 glasova (16,6%).

Kominterna je na kraju prihvatila vodstvo Lovestona i Charlesa Ruthenberga. Kao što je Theodore Draper istaknuo u američkom komunizmu i sovjetskoj Rusiji (1960.): "Nakon Kominternenove presude u korist Ruthenberga kao vođe stranke, frakcijska oluja postupno se stišala. Sastanci članova u cijeloj zemlji" jednoglasno su podržali "novo vodstvo i njegovu politiku. Na Sedmom plenumu krajem 1926. godine Kominterna je, prvi put nakon pet godina, smatrala nepotrebnim imenovati američko povjerenstvo koje će se baviti američkom frakcijskom borbom ... Ruthenbergov stroj radio je tako glatko i učinkovito da je oni izvan njegovog unutarnjeg kruga postajali su sve nemirniji. Ispod površine frakcijskog zatišja tinjala je još jedna pobuna, uz koristan poticaj Cannona, koji je tri godine ranije dotakao pobunu protiv Ruthenberga. "

Smrću Charlesa Ruthenberga 1927. Lovestone je postao nacionalni tajnik stranke. Lovestone, James Cannon i Bertram Wolfe prisustvovali su Šestom kongresu Kominterne 1928. Kada je Wolfe branio Lovestone protiv kritika Josipa Staljina, isključen je iz stranke i šest mjeseci je bio u virtualnom kućnom pritvoru u Moskvi prije nego što je mogao dobiti izlazna viza.

Dok je u Sovjetskom Savezu James Cannon dobio dokument koji je napisao Leon Trotsky o vladavini Josipa Staljina. Uvjeren u ono što je pročitao, po povratku u Sjedinjene Države kritizirao je sovjetsku vladu. Lovestone je stekao naklonost kod Staljina vodeći čistku nad Cannonom i njegovim sljedbenicima. Cannon se sada pridružio drugim trockistima kako bi osnovao Komunistički savez Amerike.

Do tada je Josip Staljin svoje pristaše postavio na većinu važnih političkih pozicija u zemlji. Čak ni združene snage svih viših boljševika koji su ostali živi nakon Ruske revolucije nisu bili dovoljni da predstavljaju ozbiljnu prijetnju Staljinu.

Godine 1929. Nikolaj Buharin lišen je predsjedništva Kominterne i Staljin ga je isključio iz Politbiroa. Bio je zabrinut da Bukharin ima snažne sljedbenike u Komunističkoj partiji Amerike, pa je na sastanku Prezidija u Moskvi 14. svibnja zatražio da stranka pređe pod kontrolu Kominterne. Priznao je da je Jay Lovestone bio "sposoban i talentiran drug", ali ga je odmah optužio da svoje sposobnosti koristi "u frakcijskom širenju skandala, u frakcijskim spletkama". Benjamin Gitlow i Ella Reeve Bloor branili su Lovestone. To je razljutilo Staljina i prema riječima Bertrama Wolfea, ustao je i povikao: "Što mislite tko ste? Trocki mi je prkosio. Gdje je? Zinovjev mi je prkosio. Gdje je? Buharin mi je prkosio. Gdje je? I ti? Kad se vratiš u Ameriku, nitko neće ostati s tobom osim tvojih žena. " Staljin je zatim upozorio Amerikance da se Rusi znaju nositi s izazivačima problema: "Na našim grobljima ima puno mjesta."

Jay Lovestone shvatio je da će sada biti isključen iz američke komunističke partije. 15. svibnja 1929. poslao je telegram Robertu Minoru i Jacobu Stachelu i zamolio ih da preuzmu kontrolu nad stranačkom imovinom i drugom imovinom. Međutim, kako je Theodore Draper istaknuo u američkom komunizmu i sovjetskoj Rusiji (1960.): "Kominterna ga je pobijedila. 17. svibnja, čak i prije nego što je Kominternino obraćanje stiglo u Sjedinjene Države, Političko tajništvo u Moskvi odlučilo je ukloniti Lovestone, Gitlow i Wolfe sa svih njihovih vodećih mjesta, kako bi očistili Politički odbor od svih članova koji su se odbili podvrgnuti odlukama Kominterne i upozorili Lovestonea da bi bilo pokušaj napuštanja Rusije grubo kršenje discipline Cominterna. "

William Z. Foster, koji je već zapisao kako je rekao: "Ja sam za Kominternu od početka do kraja. Želim surađivati ​​s Kominternom, a ako se Kominterna ukrsti s mojim mišljenjima, postoji samo jedno stvar koju treba učiniti, a to je promijeniti svoje mišljenje kako bi odgovarao politici Kominterne ", koja je sada postala dominantna osoba u stranci.

Lovestone i njegovi pristaše, uključujući Benjamina Gitlowa, Bertrama Wolfea i Charlesa Zimmermana, sada su osnovali novu stranku Komunističku partiju (većinska grupa). Kasnije je promijenila ime u Komunistička partija (opozicija), Nezavisna komunistička radnička liga i konačno, 1938. godine, Nezavisna radnička liga Amerike. Njegov časopis, Revolutionary Age, uređivao je Wolfe.

Jay Lovestone otišao je raditi za Međunarodni sindikat ženskih radnika u odjeći (ILGWU). Njezin vođa, David Dubinsky, kasnije mu je dogovorio da radi za Homera Martina, predsjednika United Auto Workersa, koji je bio u sukobu s članovima koje je optužio da su članovi američke Komunističke partije. Ova strategija nije uspjela i Martin je na kraju svrgnut s vlasti.

1943. Lovestone je postao direktor Odjela za međunarodne poslove ILGWU -a. Sljedeće godine David Dubinsky dogovorio je da se Lovestone pridruži Odboru za slobodne sindikate AFL -a. Također je bio aktivan u Američkom institutu za razvoj slobodne radne snage, organizaciji koju sponzorira Američka federacija rada. Kasnije je također primila tajna plaćanja od CIA -e. Time je započelo dugogodišnje prijateljstvo s Jamesom Jesusom Angletonom, direktorom operacija za kontraobavještajne poslove.

Godine 1963. Lovestone je postao direktor Odjela za međunarodne poslove AFL-CIO-a (IAD), koji je sredio milijune dolara od CIA-e za pomoć antikomunističkim aktivnostima na međunarodnoj razini, osobito u Latinskoj Americi. Predsjednik AFL-CIO-a George Meany otkrio je 1964. godine da je Lovestone umiješan u CIA-u i naložio mu da prekine kontakt s Jamesom Jesusom Angletonom. Lovestone je pristao na to, ali kada je Meany 1974. otkrio da još uvijek radi s Angletonom, prisilio ga je s dužnosti.

Jay Lovestone umro je 7. ožujka 1990.

Weinstone i Lovestone, dvadeset i dva, odnosno dvadeset i jedan 1919.-došli su iz Rusije kao djeca i u tinejdžerskoj dobi prihvatili socijalizam. Lovestone je također bio bivši De Leonit. Za razliku od gotovo svih drugih ranih komunističkih vođa, njihovo radikalno naukovanje služilo je u studentskom pokretu. Oni su zajedno bili vođe poglavlja Međukolegijalnog socijalističkog društva na koledžu grada New Yorka. "Nije doslovno bilo točno, što se ponekad omalovažavajuće govorilo, da su prešli iz City Collegea u vodstvo američkog komunističkog pokreta, ali izjava je bila dovoljno blizu da povrijedi u vrijeme kada se studentski pokret nije visoko rangirao kao pripremna škola za komunističko vodstvo. U tri godine između Lovestonove mature na Gradskom koledžu 1918. i njegovog prvog stalnog posla u komunističkom pokretu, studirao je računovodstvo i rad u krugu te imao razne kratkoročne poslove poput statističara i socijalnog radnika.

Svi su se okupljali kako bi podržali Staljina. Ja nisam bio samo Buharinov osobni prijatelj, već sam imao temeljni dogovor s njim o međunarodnim pitanjima, iako sam o ruskim pitanjima imao dogovor sa Staljinom, a ne s njim. Na tom sastanku usprotivio sam se postrojavanju Američke komunističke partije. Rekao sam: "Nećemo nositi Staljinove tipke, niti ćemo nositi Buharinove tipke i nećemo se baviti gangsterizmom protiv Staljina ili Buharina." Rekao sam da je Staljin moj vođa kao vođa Komunističke partije; da ga poštujem, da cijenim njegovo mišljenje i kalibar razmišljanja ... Rekavši to, kabel je poslan u Moskvu. Taj je kabel prošao cijelom Internacionalom, i to je uvelike poslužilo kao mrlja na mom potvrdi o političkoj smrti u mojim odnosima sa Staljinovim vodstvom.

Predsjedavao je predsjednik Američke komisije Kuusinen. Sastanak je otvorio čitanjem izvješća povjerenstva, utjelovljenog u predloženom "obraćanju" Izvršnog odbora Kominterne. Zatim je Gitlow pročitao deklaraciju u ime deset američkih delegata u kojoj se navodi da ne mogu prihvatiti Adresu jer bi ona promicala "demoralizaciju, raspad i kaos u Partiji". Ova deklaracija upozorava da bi prihvaćanje "učinilo apsolutno nemogućim da nastavimo kao učinkoviti radnici u komunističkom pokretu".

Jedan za drugim, vodeći članovi drugih stranaka apelirali su na Amerikance da ostanu vjerni Kominterni i odobre prijedloge povjerenstva. Svi ostali prisutni Amerikanci, osobito veliki kontingent iz Lenjinove škole koji je za tu priliku bio učinkovito mobiliziran, ustali su i pozvali izaslanstvo da posluša volju Kominterne. Kako se ta dugačka procesija neprijateljskih govornika odmicala, izolacija deset Amerikanaca stalno se povećavala, a pritisak na njih vidljivo raste.

Od svih govora održanih prije glasovanja Prezidija, najvažniji je naravno bio Staljinov. Većinu svog govora posvetio je zlima frakcionalizma i vrlinama discipline. Priznao je da je Lovestone "sposoban i talentiran drug", ali je odmah optužio Lovestona da je svoje sposobnosti upotrijebio "u frakcijskom širenju skandala, u frakcijskim spletkama", te se rugao ideji da je Lovestone toliko talentiran da američka stranka nije mogla snaći se bez njega. Foster, dodao je, nije na vrijeme odbacio "prikrivene trockiste" u svojoj skupini, jer se "ponašao ponajprije kao frakcionist." ...

Posljednji Amerikanac koji je govorio bio je Gitlow, a on se rastao s ostalim delegatima iz suprotnog razloga. Kao nedavno imenovan tajnik stranke, Gitlow je mogao izgubiti novim postavkama koje je zahtijevala Kominterna od bilo koga drugog. Razdražljiv čovjek, nije mogao sagnuti glavu sa srčanom ostavkom Bedachta niti obuzdati bijes hladnom računicom Lovestona. Umjesto toga, Gitlow je izjavio da se ne samo protivio odluci Prezidija, već da će se vratiti u Sjedinjene Države boriti se protiv nje.

Gitlowov ispad podigao je Staljina na noge. Obično je Staljin govorio tako tiho da je prisilio svoje slušatelje da se nagnu naprijed kako bi ga čuli. Sada je vikao bijesno. Objavljena verzija ovog govora relativno je blaga i samokontrolirana, no svjedoci se slažu da teško uspijeva u bijesu u njegovu glasu i nasilju u njegovu jeziku.

Prema službenom izvještaju, Staljin je odao počast "čvrstoći i tvrdoglavosti" osam američkih zadržavanja, ali ih je opomenuo da se "prava boljševička hrabrost" sastoji u tome da se podloži volji Kominterne, a ne da joj prkosi. Napao je Lovestonea, Gitlowa i Ellu Reeve Bloor po imenu jer su se ponašali kao anarhisti, individualisti i razbijači štrajkova, a zaključio ih je uvjeravanjem da će američka komunistička partija preživjeti pad njihove frakcije.

No, prema Wolfeu, Staljin je također povikao: "Što mislite tko ste? Trocki mi je prkosio. Gdje je on? A vi? Kad se vratite u Ameriku, nitko neće ostati s vama osim vaših žena."

Prema Lovestoneu, koji ga je kasnije nazvao "govorom na groblju", Staljin je upozorio Amerikance da se Rusi znaju nositi s razbijačima: "Na našim grobljima ima dosta mjesta".

Staljin je sišao s platforme i prvi izašao. Za njim su hrlili stražari i tajnici. Nitko se nije micao dok nije prošao prolazom. No kad je stigao do Amerikanaca, zastao je i pružio ruku crnačkom delegatu Edwardu Welshu koji je stajao pokraj Lovestona.

Welsh se okrenuo Lovestoneu i glasno upitao: "Što dovraga ovaj tip želi?" i odbio rukovati se sa Staljinom.

Američki delegati, kojih su se svi potpuno klonili, izašli su u sivu zoru i kupili naranče od uličnog trgovca.

Lovestone se još uvijek nadao da nije sve izgubljeno. Telefonska poruka dvojici skrbnika, Minoru i Stachelu, stigla je u New York 15. svibnja, dan nakon sastanka Prezidija. Računao je na njih, osobito na Stachel, da će provesti plan preuzimanja stranačke imovine i druge imovine, te se želio vratiti u Sjedinjene Države dovoljno brzo kako bi priču delegacije prenio u članstvo stranke prije nego što se Kominterna mogla mobilizirati sve svoje snage protiv njega.

Comintern ga je dotukao. Dana 17. svibnja, čak i prije nego što je Kominternino obraćanje stiglo u Sjedinjene Američke Države, Političko tajništvo u Moskvi odlučilo je smijeniti Lovestonea, Gitlowa i Wolfea sa svih njihovih vodećih mjesta, kako bi Politički odbor očistio od svih članova koji su se odbili podnijeti Kominterni odluke i upozoriti Lovestonea da bi pokušaj napuštanja Rusije bilo grubo kršenje discipline Kominterne. "Odani" američki komunisti - Bedacht, Foster i Weinstone - smjeli su odmah napustiti Rusiju. U Sjedinjene Države također je poslan poseban predstavnik Kominterne, tajnik Američke komisije, Mihajlov (Williams), koji je tajno poslan da preuzme odgovornost za potres američke stranke.


Jay Lovestone

Jay Lovestone (rođen 15. prosinca 1897. u Molchadu, gubernija Grodno, Rusko Carstvo, † 7. ožujka 1990. u New Yorku) bio je američki političar, sindikalni dužnosnik i tajni agent ( glavni radnički pokret za vezu s CIA -om ). Lovestone je pripadao Socijalistička partija Amerike od 1914. do 1919., zatim raznim prethodnim organizacijama Komunistička partija SAD -a i na kraju - na vodećim položajima - do toga samog do 1929. Nakon što je isključen iz stranke, osnovao je i vodio Komunistička partija SAD -a (opozicija), skupina koja se po svom političkom sadržaju može usporediti s njemačkim KPD-O. Posredovanjem antikomunističkog sindikalnog vođe Davida Dubinskog, Lovestone je 1937. bio zaposlenik predsjednika sindikata auto-radnika UAW Homera Martina, koji je bio u ozbiljnoj raspravi sa sindikalnim dužnosnicima koji su pripadali CPUSA-i ili su im bili bliski. Ovdje i sljedećih godina Lovestone je stekao reputaciju "stručnjaka" za suzbijanje i uklanjanje komunističkog utjecaja u sindikalnom pokretu. U tom smislu, u početku aktivan samo na nacionalnoj razini, Lovestone se nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata razvio u "sivu eminenciju" prvotno europske i konačno svjetski razgranate mreže desničarskih socijaldemokratskih političara i sindikalista, koje je on - sada financirao i upućen od strane State Department i CIA, službeno, ali kamuflirana kao "vanjskopolitički savjetnik" predsjednika AFL-CIO-a Georgea Meanyja-podržana u borbi protiv komunističkih stranaka i ljevičarskih socijaldemokrata i zakleta na proamerički kurs. Opseg, način rada i važnost ove "Lovestone obavještajne službe" bili su općenito poznati tek 1995. nakon otvaranja Lovestonovog imanja, a dijelovi su još uvijek u mraku.


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Lovestoneova tanka crvena linija#8217s

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Jay Lovestone nije samo jedan od najčudnijih likova u povijesti američke ljevice, već lako i najklizaviji. Od sredine dvadesetih, kada je kao frakcijski vođa američkog komunističkog pokreta stekao reputaciju i zbog bezobzirnosti i izvanredne moći zavođenja, Lovestone se pola stoljeća fokusirao na vještine poput Rasputina na manipulaciju institucijama i osobnostima. Na kraju, desetljećima nakon što se prijavio za glavnog radnika CIA -e za radnički pokret, vjerojatno je nadmudrio samog sebe. Da je živio još deset godina, Lovestone bi vidio kako bi se njegovi branitelji i otmičari prisilno povukli iz reformiranog AFL-CIO-a, a njegovu makijavelijsku globalnu politiku zamijenili počecima prekograničnog organiziranja i istinski demokratskog internacionalizma. Možda se vrtio u grobu.

Druga verzija priče o Lovestoneu mogla bi tretirati stalne intrige kao manifestaciju problematične osobnosti Tajni život previše čita kao hagiografski tretmani tog blistavog birokrata i kolege iz Vijetnama, Georgea Meanyja. Međutim, čak i ova knjiga s lošim manama nudi uvid u tamnu stranu Stare ljevice i u masovne obavještajne operacije provedene izvan pogleda običnih članova sindikata.

Kao i mnoge druge priče, od estrade do cerebralne politike, i ova počinje u židovskom New Yorku nakon prijelaza stoljeća. Jacob Liebstein, imigrantski radikal, koji je 1915. upisao City College u New Yorku, postao je predsjednikom kampusa Intercollegiate Socialist Society (daleki predak studenata za demokratsko društvo) i istodobno teško pao u novu rusku revoluciju. Preimenovani Jay Lovestone bio je jedan od dječaka “City College Boysa#8221 koji je težio 1919. dovesti američke boljševike do pobjede.

Bio je to nemoguć posao, s nacijom koja je ušla u doba relativnog prosperiteta, a Moskva je odlučila, često vrlo loše, o najmanjim stvarima. Sam Lovestone očito je izvukao pogrešne pouke iz Vanguard stranke. (Wobblyov aforizam kasnijih desetljeća sve je to rekao previše točno: “Nevolja s lenjinistima je u tome što svi žele biti Lenjin. ”) Činilo se da nikad nije shvatio vanzemaljski teritorij zapadno od Hudsona, a možda iz tog razloga manje je energije posvetio borbi protiv kapitalizma nego borbi protiv frakcijskih protivnika.

Morgan nastoji prikazati svoju temu kao da se herojski bori protiv ruske dominacije, kao da vođa u usponu nije hitno tražio podršku Kominterne za svoju stranu. Lovestone i bivši kolega s koledža Bertram Wolfe ipak su imali dobru ideju u teoriji da je kapitalizam ovdje postigao određenu stabilnost, pa su i komunisti morali napustiti svoj skoro ustanički mentalitet zbog nijansiranog taktičkog programa savezi. Doista, stranka bi to učinila u doba Narodne fronte koja je pred nama. Problem je bio u tome što se Staljin u kasnim dvadesetim godinama pomaknuo prema ultrarevolucionarnoj strategiji, dok je učvršćivao svoju moć protiv Trockog, a staromodna marksistička predviđanja konačnog kapitalističkog sloma stekla su novi kredibilitet s krahom na burzi.

Lovestone, koji je strankom upravljao iz vlastite Zvjezdane komore, ozbiljno je pogriješio misleći da bi mogao utjecati na Kominternu ili na članstvo u New Yorku, Chicagu ili Los Angelesu. Redoviti komunisti, sa svoje strane, nevino su se divili svakome tko vodi Sovjetski Savez, dok su privatno smatrali svoje američke vođe, uključujući i Lovestonea, naduvenim bumbarima. Štoviše, njegova želja da protjera opoziciju “lijeve ” (američki sljedbenici Trockog) prije nego što su na njega naletjele pristalice Staljina pokazala je da Lovestone nije previše volio demokratske procedure za koje se kasnije, točno, žalio da su sustavno kršene .

Sljedeće desetljeće Lovestone je vodio organizaciju s promjenjivim imenima i samo nekoliko stotina članova, ali s dva ključna postignuća. Njegov list, loše distribuiran tjednik (prvi naslov) Revolucionarno doba, kasnije Radnički ’s dobi), bio je u nekim pogledima najpismeniji časopis s lijeve strane, a organizacija je pružila političku bazu za vođenje Lokalnih 22 Međunarodnog sindikata radnica ženskog odijevanja, najvećeg lokalnog stanovništva u Sjedinjenim Državama početkom tridesetih godina. Pod vodstvom talentiranog i humanog Charlesa Zimmermana, Local 22 ne samo da je djelovao s velikom učinkovitošću, već je omogućio i mnoge amaterske glumce za produkciju toliko sviranog sindikalnog mjuzikla Harolda Rima Igle i iglice.

Nažalost, Lovestone je uvijek imao veće težnje. Kad je John L. Lewis otvorio novi Kongres industrijskih organizacija za komunističke organizatore prijeko potrebne za težak i često opasan posao dolaska do nekvalificiranih radnika, car ILGWU David Dubinsky bio je odlučan u namjeri da ponovno uspostavi hegemoniju AFL-a razbijajući dinamički centar CIO-a . Po nalogu Dubinskog, Lovestone je pružio osoblje i osobno nadgledao pokušaj državnog udara u palači i čistku United Auto Workers-a kada to nije uspjelo, podržao je nezadovoljnog bivšeg vođu Homera Martina u prekinutom nastojanju da stvori tvrtku (i ljiljano-bijelu, prema nekim sljedbenicima) sindikat za vjerno auto-radnike protiv CIO-a. Planovi su propali, pa je Lovestone stekao doživotnog nekomunističkog neprijatelja, Victora Reuthera. Kako se rat približavao, Lovestone je vidio da mu se vidici toliko sužavaju da je zapravo raspustio svoju malu političku skupinu, što je čin bez presedana s lijeve strane.

No već je započela još jedna karijera, ona s većim potencijalom nego što je Lovestone zamišljao još kao dječak boljševik: obavještajni operativac. Točnije, u ovoj je karijeri postojao samo jaz. Kako su otkrili dokumenti objavljeni u moskovskim arhivama, do 1936. Lovestone je mirno radio s ruskim obavještajnim agentima, čak i dok je otvoreno napadao politiku Moskve, očito se nadajući da će pokazati lojalnost potrebnu za ponovno uspostavljanje svoje bivše pozicije. 1941. Dubinsky je upoznao Lovestone s zamjenikom AFL-a Georgeom Meanyjem, priznavši da su preobraćeni. ” Tri godine kasnije, Meany je postavio Lovestonea na čelo polutajne divizije hladnog rata AFL-a. Promjenom strane, Lovestone se vratio kući.

Ovdje ur-tekst od Tajni život otvara. Često nasumično istraživana (Morgan ne nudi precizne fusnote, samo “izvore ” za stranice s tekstom i nudi stare kestene poput tvrdnje da se socijalistički vođa Daniel DeLeon smatrao da potječe od Ponce de Le & oacutena), knjiga tretira intrige ranog hladnog rata kao vrhunac pripovijedanja. Pažljivi čitatelji naći će tako ukusne pojedinosti poput Lovestona koji provjerava dosjee osoblja Trumanove uprave za Comsymps da se stavi na crnu listu, te pomoću kolumniste Waltera Winchella emitirati korisne glasine i skandal protiv stvarnih i izmišljenih neprijatelja. No, većina terena o Lovestoneovim međunarodnim operacijama obrađena je u drugim povijestima. Detaljno je opisano, koristeći intervjue s bivšim visokim obavještajnim službenicima, u podjednako eulogističkoj britanskoj biografiji Bena Rathbuna, glavnog oficira na terenu,#8217, The Point Man: Irving Brown i smrtonosna borba za Europu i Ameriku nakon 1945. godine, djelo neobično malo raspoređeno ovdje.

Uzimajući Lovestoneove pretpostavke i radnje pod nominalnu vrijednost, Morgan propušta stvarnu važnost špijunskog rada. S Marshallovim planom koji je djelovao u zapadnoj Europi i na istoku zamrznut u Staljinove cordon sanitaire, ponovna stabilizacija bila je neizbježna, usprkos nadi i strahovima. Ali kakva Europa? Lovestone je promatrao težnju nekomunističkih vođa poput L & eacuteona Jouhauxa i britanskih laburista za vođenjem radničkih i socijalističkih vlada na putu neovisnom o bilo kojoj supersili, kao herezi koju je nadmašio samo komunizam. Morgan ne objašnjava rasprostranjenu kupovinu glasova i sindikalnih službenika (po niskim cijenama, u tim teškim vremenima). Niti Lovestone i Irving Brown nisu bili protiv podržavanja nekadašnjih nacističkih suradnika (u Grčkoj) ili zapošljavanja mafije za razbijanje sindikalnih štrajkova. Sve su te taktike, s izuzetkom fašističke veze, desetljećima doista bile standard u ratovima s odjećom. Lovestone je u biti internacionalizirao poslovni sindikalizam.

Tajni život griješi u tretmanu Lovestona i svijeta rada nakon 1950. Čak i dok je Europa tutnjala, Treći svijet je strahovito narastao, a Lovestone je očito bio izvan njegove dubine. Njegov voditelj CIA -e, paranoični, ali moćni James Jesus Angleton, osigurao je brzo povećanje prikrivenog financiranja. No, bez sumnje, Morgan se ne trudi liječiti žarišta Latinske Amerike, gdje je ured Lovestone -a dramatično pomogao u nizu državnih udara tijekom pedesetih i šezdesetih, što je rezultiralo desecima (i konačno stotinama) tisuća žrtava zahvaljujući američkoj podršci poslovne i vojne elite regije. Morganov tretman Afrike također je ograničen, on inzistira na tome da je Lovestone podržao "umjereni"#8221 nacionalizam, prikladnu masku za politike postavljene za stvaranje pouzdanih postkolonijalnih prijatelja američkog biznisa. Isto vrijedi i za jugoistočnu Aziju, gdje je antikomunizam brzo postao sinonim za masovne atentate (“neutralizacije ”) i bombardiranje tepiha.

Morgan tvrdi da je šezdesetih godina prošlo “državno širenje svjetskih aktivnosti završeno. ” Nije istina. Kennedyjeva administracija uspostavila je službene međunarodne agencije za rad koje se konzervativno procjenjuju na 100 milijuna dolara godišnje, što je brojka koja je brzo rasla tijekom osamdesetih. Desetljeća financijske i političke pomoći mogla bi se organizirati za angolskog Jonasa Savimbija, terorista svjetske klase i ključnog vojnog saveznika južnoafričke vlade aparthejda. Veliki programi mogli bi se pokrenuti u vitalnim kutovima američkog utjecaja, poput Filipina, gdje je podružnica AFL-CIO-a odano podržavala Markosov režim sve dok nije pao. I tako na karti. Sam Lovestone, do kraja života uvjeren da je d & eacutetente samo sovjetska smicalica, postajao je sve više i više anakronizam, osim naravno u sjedištu sokolskog zapovjedništva AFL-CIO.

Otkrivanje financiranja CIA -e, žestoko uskraćivano sve dok razotkrivanje nije nadjačalo poznate laži, užasnulo je i razbjesnilo miljenike Georgea Meanyja. Žedan osvete protiv sindikalnih mirovnjaka, Lovestone se bacio u neuspjele predsjedničke kampanje Henryja “Scoopa ” Jacksona, “Senatora iz Boeinga. ” Tražio je i društvo Henryja Kissingera, koji je počeo pisati za AFL-ovi novinari s Harvarda sponzorirani od CIA-e 1960. Lovestone je bjesnio u Nixonu zbog priznanja Kine. Ostao je blizak s Angletonom kada su desetljetne aktivnosti CIA-e protiv američkih državljana također napokon razotkrivene, a špijunski šef povučen u mirovinu. Nikad za osobnu lojalnost, Meany je 1974. jednostavno napustio Lovestonea, zamijenivši ga (na tipičan AFL način) zetom kojem je potrebno povećanje karijere.

No, naravno da se svijet ipak nije toliko promijenio. Lovestone kept up contact with his good friends Alexander Haig and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, whose triumph over Bella Abzug in the 1976 senatorial primary was celebrated as the quashing of McGovernite-pacifist “New Politics.” And he helped collect his papers in the Reagan Revolution homeland of the Hoover Institution, where his old friend Bert Wolfe held a sinecure. Morgan suggests that after 1979–that is, after Lovestone and Meany–the AFL-CIO built a new foreign policy independent of the CIA. Nothing could be less true, as the growing scholarship on the labor movement’s abysmal Central America adventures conclusively demonstrates.

A Covert Life winds down with Lovestone in his coffin, at a memorial service in which (quoting a friendly former Carter official) “there were more CIA men…than labor men.” Eight years later Meany successor Lane Kirkland, who offered heartfelt praise at Lovestone’s bier, was cashiered by a labor movement that had nearly lost itself after practically abandoning domestic matters in search of one last, great international victory of business unionism. That strategy had already failed miserably, and we can even now wonder that a Jay Lovestone could wield so much power for so long, with so little support or even knowledge of those who paid the dues to keep the gold-plated offices shiny for their masters.

Paul Buhle Paul Buhle, who published the one-shot Radical America Komiks in 1969, is researching Yiddish and Jewish culture in America. Monthly Review will publish his next book, Insurgent Images: The Labor Murals of Mike Alewitz, in February 2001. His biography of blacklisted writer-director Abraham Lincoln Polansky, A Very Dangerous Citizen, written with Dave Wagner, will be published in April 2001 by California University Press.


How Joseph Stalin Invented 'American Exceptionalism'

Rick Santorum and the rest of GOP presidential gang all have a man-crush. Considering he was an outright intellectual elitist, a shaggy-haired liberal, and -- horror of horrors -- French, the object of their adoration seems a bit surprising, but the French aristocrat Alexis de Tocqueville and his 1835 United States travelogue, Democracy in America, have surged into national politics this campaign cycle -- often linked to the nascent expression "American exceptionalism."

Across the nation, from Plano, Texas, to Keene, N.H., Santorum has brandished Tocqueville, lecturing on how America got revolution right while France didn't. Last year Gingrich published A Country Like No Other: Why American Exceptionalism Matters, a book overflowing with praise for the Parisian writer. Going further still, the former speaker narrated a 2011 documentary called City Upon a Hill, which is produced by Citizens United (yes, that Citizens United). If you guessed that it leads with Tocqueville, you're right.

The trailer opens like something out of Lord of the Rings: inspirational music, horses galloping through verdant terrain, and the soothing voice of the biggest hobbit of them all -- Gingrich. "During his travels in 1831, French writer Alexis de Tocqueville observed that America was an exceptional nation with a special role to play in human history," he intones. "American exceptionalism has been at the center of our nation's experience for nearly 400 years."

There's only one problem with that: It's not strictly true. Although a superiority complex has long pervaded the national psyche, the expression "American exceptionalism" only became big a few years ago. (In the Federalistički radovi, Alexander Hamilton called on Americans to "vindicate the honor of the human race.") What's more, Tocqueville didn't invent the term. Who did? Joseph Stalin.

In the 1920s, the lingering specter of World War I and austere German reparations battered Europe's market-based economy, giving rise to class tension and stark inequality. For worn-down workers, socialism and communism started sounding like pretty good ideas. A world revolution -- indeed, the rise of the proletariat -- seemed possible, and the Communist International was stoked.

But the Americans just wouldn't fall into line. The United States had long since passed the United Kingdom as the world's largest industrial power, but hadn't yet plunged into the Great Depression. To members of the U.S. Communist Party, it was a paradox. Why, in the what appeared to be the purest capitalist Western economy wasn't there any desire for egalitarianism? Had Marx been wrong when he wrote socialism would, inexorably and universally, emerge from the ruins of capitalism?

America's radical left considered the national condition, contrasted it with Europe, and concluded leftism would be a hard sell stateside thanks to characteristics forged along the frontier. Americans were different: individualistic, profit-crazed, broadly middle class, and as tolerant of inequality as they were reverent of economic freedom. The nation had "unlimited reserves of American imperialism," lamented Communist propaganda at the time.

In 1929, Communist leader Jay Lovestone informed Stalin in Moscow that the American proletariat wasn't interested in revolution. Stalin responded by demanding that he end this "heresy of American exceptionalism." And just like that, this expression was born. What Lovestone meant, and how Stalin understood it, however, isn't how Gingrich and Romney (or even Obama) frame it. Neither Lovestone or Stalin felt that the United States was superior to other nations -- actually, the opposite. Stalin "ridiculed" America for its abnormalities, which he cast under the banner of "exceptionalism," Daniel Rodgers, a professor of history at Princeton, said in an interview.

Stalin, to say the least, wasn't happy with Lovestone's news. "Who do you think you are?" he shouted, according to Ted Morgan's biography of Lovestone. "(Leon) Trotsky defied me. Where is he? (Grigory) Zinoviev defied me. Where is he? (Nikolai) Bukharin defied me. Where is he? And you! Who are you? Yes, you will go back to America. But when you get back there, nobody will know you except your wives."

As the Great Depression enveloped the United States, Stalin's argument -- if not his bluster -- seemed well grounded. "Exceptionalism was a disease, a chronic disease," wrote communist S. Milgrom of Chicago in 1930. "The storm of the economic crisis in the United States blew down the house of cards of American exceptionalism," the American Communist Party declared at its convention in April 1930.

Of course, the predictions failed: with the help of war, and despite Franklin Roosevelt's new welfare state, the U.S. economy stayed on the capitalist track. As American communism receded, so did talk of exceptionalism in leftist circles. Dismissive references appeared in academic research now and again, but usually in relation to communism's failure in America. Not until the 1980s did it suddenly reemerge, charged with a new connotation of national superiority. According to a Factiva survey, The New York Times was the first mainstream outlet to revive "American exceptionalism," when in 1980 Richard J. Tofel implored Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan to defend this distinctive cultural aesthetic: "As our unquestioned supremacy recedes, we need to decide what "America" means to us, and what it means to the world."

Sound familiar? Over the following 20 years, there was a lot more talk like this exceptionalism appeared in national publications 457 times. The next decade had it 2,558 times. But since 2010, it's gone viral, leaping into print and online publications roughly 4,172 times.

How did a phrase intended as derision become a rallying cry of American awesomeness? As significant portions of the electorate -- think Southern Democrats -- shifted toward the GOP in the 1960s and 1970s, conservative thinkers charted a new Republican identity emboldened by triumphalism and uncompromising patriotism. Doubting exceptionalism became "un-American." Looking to history for more evidence, conservative intellectuals stumbled across Tocqueville, who in Democracy in America had described a nation as "exceptional" for its devotion to practicality over art or science. He lent enough oomph to credibly define America as categorically transcendent, Rodgers said.

Upalilo je. In a 2010 Gallup Poll, 80 percent of Americans agreed that based on history and the Constitution, the United States was the "greatest country in the world." American exceptionalism, along with flag pins shining from one's lapel, is one of the rare issues where Republicans and Democrats agree. In 2009, President Obama said in Strasbourg, France, that he subscribed to American exceptionalism (just as other nations, he stressed, should feel the same about their own country). Gingrich used the phrase 44 times in his recent book. For whatever reason, its author, Stalin, didn't even get a cameo.

Then last year during a debate in early September -- with dissatisfaction toward the economy as high as late 2008 -- Republican presidential candidates harped on American exceptionalism time and again. Before that, not a single incumbent or candidate had employed the expression in a presidential debate, transcripts at the American Presidency Project's website show.

It's hardly surprising such talk has accelerated recently. Everywhere you look, headlines, pundits, and academics prophesy the demise of Pax Americana and the "rise of the rest," as Fareed Zakaria termed it. We're gripped by concern we'll soon be a nation of austerity and dependency, not opportunity, that America's spiraling into insolvency with Greece. It's the same context in which Tofel revived the term 32 years ago.

In 2008, candidate Obama said fear makes people cling to religion, guns, and xenophobia. He was flayed for it in the media -- and, in some respects, rightly so. But there was an element of truth to his remarks, and there's a powerful parallel to the nation overall. In our secular state, the Constitution and Declaration of Independence are as close to sacred relics of an established religion as it gets. Just look at how their air-tight casings in Washington, D.C. mimic saints' reliquaries.

Belief in America has taken on the desperate certitude of zealotry, as if the more we express it and the firmer our conviction, the more we might somehow succeed at wishing it true. And that it will stay true forever. Peel a few layers back and the rise of faith in American exceptionalism doesn't evince superiority. It indicates fear.


Jay Lovestone, Communist Leader Who Turned Against Party, Dies

Jay Lovestone, who briefly headed the Communist Party in the United States in the 1920's before becoming a staunch anti-Communist, died in his sleep Wednesday at his home in Manhattan. He was 91 years old.

Mr. Lovestone, who once called Stalin a murderer and lived to tell about it, became a colorful and often controversial figure in the American labor movement. He served as the international affairs director of the A.F.L.-C.I.O. before his retirement in 1974.

His confrontation with Stalin occurred in Moscow in 1929 after Stalin had deposed Mr. Lovestone from the leadership of the party in the United States, a post he had held for two years. The taunted Stalin was said to have become livid and promptly terminated the interview. Mr. Lovestone managed to escape from the Soviet Union by way of Danzig with the help of false identity papers.

The incident, which occurred when Mr. Lovestone was 29 years old, ended his comparatively short but spectacular career as a Communist.

However, he remained vastly knowledgable about Communist affairs throughout the world. His friends said he had an extraordinary network of contacts, with whom he kept in close touch, and a remarkable sensitivity for developments in Communist world before they became apparent to others.

Involement Began in College

Born on Dec. 24, 1898, in Lithuania, then a part of Russia, he was brought to the United States when he was 9, by his father, who had obtained a job as cantor of a New York synagogue. By the time he graduated from City College in 1918 the son was deeply involved in the Socialist and communist movements, which were then largely subterranean in this country.

In 1921 he got his first full-time Communist Party post, as editor of the party's official underground organ, The Communist. He made an enemy of Stalin early on. In 1923, when Stalin, the eventual Soviet ruler, split with Nicolai Bukharin, the powerful head of the Comintern, the Communist International, Mr. Lovestone was a leader in defending Bukharin.

As he moved higher in the American Communist hierarchy, Mr. Lovestone continued to pursue a line basically opposed to Stalin's.

The Lovestone argument was that because of special circumstances in the United States, the struggle against capitalism could not be conducted along traditional Marxist-Leninist lines.

Stalin called the leaders of the splintered American communist movement to a meeting in Moscow in July, 1929, where he ordered them '⟞tained'' for a year if necessary to work out their differences. Mr. Lovestone, who was then called ''the American Stalin'' by his followers, cabled to his friends that he was being 'ɿorcibly detained'' and asked that if word was not had form him in 10 days they should begin to 'ɺgitate for his release.'' However, he managed to flee and return to New York City.

An angry Stalin called Mr. Lovestone 'ɺ renegade to the cause of communism'' and ordered him expelled from Communist ranks. Stalin called Mr. Lovestone's theories 'ɾxceptionalism.''

Mr. Lovestone and his followers formed what they called the Communist Party of the United States, later becoming the Independent Labor League of America and acquiring the sobriquet ''Lovestonites.''

The group disbanded in 1940, but not before the artist Diego Rivera included a portrait of Mr. Lovestone in one of his murals of the revolutionary spirit in American history. The mural also included Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin and an American soldier, black man, farmer and laborer.

By that time Mr. Lovestone had concluded that the Communist movement, which he once considered the salvation of the working class, was a monstrous totalitarian conspiracy engineered by the Kremlin with the goal of world conquest.

In the early days of World War II, when the Stalin-Hitler pact had given Axis forces free rein in Europe and led orthodox American Communists to espouse strict neutrality, Mr. Lovestone became a leader of the Committee to Defend America, a group that sought to mobilize support for Britain and the other Allies.

In 1943 he was named international affairs director for the International Ladies Garment Workers Union. The following year he became executive secretary of a new group that after the war's end, formed the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, which was organized to oppose the Communist-dominated World Federation of Trade Unions.

In the Congress of Industrial Organizations, and later in the merged A.F.L.-C.I.O., Mr. Lovestone rose in influence and ran the international operation almost as a personal fiefdom granted to him by George Meany, the labor movement's head.

The union's International Affairs Department carried on programs to train unionists abroad, particularly in Latin America, through the Institute for Free Labor Development. It also participated in the work of the International Labor Organization, an arm of the United Nations.

He retained his post over the years despite opposition from many labor leaders who regarded him as a doctrinaire anti-Communist. They conceded that he had a valuable network of informers who enabled him to be remarkably prescient about developments in the Communist world.

After his retirement he stayed on as a consultant to the labor federation and to the garment workers' union.


Pages from Party History (Feb. 1929)

"Page from Party History"
by Jay Lovestone
Published by Workers Library Publishers, New York, n.d. [February 1929].

This pamphlet by General Secretary of the Communist Party, USA, Jay Lovestone, it a triumphalist factional shot at the minority opposition of William Z. Foster, Alexander Bittelman. This group formerly ruled the Communist Party during the middle 1920s, together with key allies James P. Cannon and Ludwig Lore. Party headquarters was moved from New York to Chicago by the Chicago-based Foster group, and back to New York City by Lovestone & Co. after Foster fell.
At least 80 percent of the Communist Party was behind him and his associates, Lovestone is happy to tell us here in this factional document put out in the run-up to the 6th National Convention of the CPUSA (New York (. ): March 4-10, 1929).
Shortly after publication of this pamphlet, it would be time for Lovestone to get the boot, after trying to take on Stalin, Molotov, Lozovsky, and the Comintern apparatus head-to-head. The sitting Executive Secretary of the Communist Party USA was quickly removed and expelled and replaced by a troika by the Central Executive Committee. The CEC voted for the Comintern over Lovestone by a big margin, with defections by Max Bedacht, Robert Minor, and Jack Stachel particularly galling to Lovestone.

Scanned from a document in the Tim Davenport Collection.
Published in the USA between 1923 and 1977 with no copyright notice in original publication, public domain.


Communist Party (Opposition)

Lovestone and his friends had thought that they commanded the following of the mass of party members and, once expelled, optimistically named their new party the Communist Party (Majority Group). When the new group attracted only a few hundred members it changed its name to the Communist Party (Opposition). They were aligned with the International Communist Opposition, which had sections in fifteen countries.

The CP(O) later became the Independent Communist Labor League and then, in 1938, the Independent Labor League of America before dissolving in 1941. The party published the periodical Workers' Age (izvorno Revolutionary Age), which was edited by Bertram Wolfe, along with a number of pamphlets.


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Background and early life

Lovestone was born Jacob Liebstein (Яков Либштейн Yakov Libshtein) into a Jewish-Litvak family in a shtetl called Moǔchadz in Grodno Governorate (then part of the Russian Empire, now in Grodno Region, Belarus). The territory of present-day Belarus was considered a "Lithuanian" area at the time. His father, Barnet, had been a rabbi, but when he emigrated to America he had to settle for a job as shammes (caretaker). Barnet came first, then sent for his family the next year. Lovestone arrived with his mother, Emma, and his siblings, Morris, Esther and Sarah at Ellis island on September 15, 1907. They originally settled on Hester Street in Manhattan's Lower East Side, but later moved to 2155 Daly Avenue in the Bronx. The family did not know their dates of birth precisely, but they assigned Jacob the date of December 15, 1897. [1]

Young Liebstein was attracted to socialist politics from his teens. While imbibing all the ideological currents in the vibrant New York Yiddish and English radical press, he was particularly attracted to the ideas of Daniel De Leon. It is not known whether he ever joined de Leon's Socialist Labor Party, but he was one of the 3,000 mourners who attended his funeral on May 11, 1914. [2]

Liebstein entered City College of New York in 1915. Already a member of the Socialist party, he joined its unofficial student wing, the Intercollegiate Socialist Society. He became secretary and then president of the CCNY chapter. He also met William Weinstone and Bertram Wolfe in ISS, who would go on to become his factional allies in the Communist Party. He graduated in June 1918. In February 1919 he had his name legally changed to Jay Lovestone, the surname being a literal translation of Liebstein. (During the early 20th century such name changes were a common practice for Jewish immigrants who encountered widespread antisemitism in American society.) That year he also began studying at NYU Law School, but dropped out to pursue a career as a full-time Communist party member. [3]

The Communist years (1919–1929)

His first foray into what would become the American Communist movement began in February 1919, when the left wing elements in the Socialist Party in New York began to organize themselves as a separate faction. Lovestone was on the original organizing committee, the Committee of 15, with Wolfe, John Reed and Benjamin Gitlow. That June he attended the National Conference of the Left Wing. [4] He sided with the Fraina/Ruthenberg faction that opted to create a National Left Wing Council that would attempt to take over the Socialist Party. He stayed with this group after it reversed its stance, and joined the National Organizing Committee in founding the Communist Party of America on September 1, 1919, at a convention in Chicago.

In 1921, Lovestone became editor of the Communist Party newspaper, The Communist, and sat on the editorial board of The Liberator, the arts and letters publication of the Workers Party of America. Upon the death of Charles Ruthenberg in 1927 he became the party's national secretary. From about 1923, the CP developed two main factions, the Pepper–Ruthenberg group and the Foster–Cannon group. Lovestone was a close adherent of the Pepper–Ruthenberg tendency, which was to be centered in New York City and to favor united-front political action in a "class Labor Party", as opposed to the Foster–Cannon group, which tended to be centered in Chicago and were most concerned with building a radicalized American Federation of Labor through a boring from within policy. [ potreban je citat ]

In 1925 the leader of the Pepper–Ruthenberg faction, John Pepper, returned to Moscow for work in the apparatus of the Communist International, raising Lovestone's status to that of a chief lieutenant in a new Ruthenberg–Lovestone pairing. Foster and Cannon, on the other hand, parted ways, with Alexander Bittelman assuming the mantle as Foster's chief factional ally, while Jim Cannon built his power base in the party's legal defense mass organization, the International Labor Defense (ILD). [ potreban je citat ]

With the Soviet Bolshevik party riven by a succession struggle following Lenin's death in January 1924, the factions in the US eventually corresponded with factions in the Soviet leadership, with Foster's faction being strongly supportive of Joseph Stalin and Lovestone's faction sympathetic to Nikolai Bukharin. As a result of his trip to the Comintern Congress in 1928 where James P. Cannon and Maurice Spector accidentally saw Leon Trotsky's thesis criticizing the direction of the Comintern, Cannon became a Trotskyist and decided to organize his faction in support of Trotsky's position. Cannon's support for Trotsky became known before he had fully mobilized his supporters. Lovestone led the expulsion of Cannon and his supporters in 1928. [ potreban je citat ]

The Communist opposition years (1929–1941)

When Stalin purged Bukharin from the Soviet Politburo in 1929, Lovestone suffered the consequences. A visiting delegation of the Comintern asked him to step down as party secretary in favor of his rival William Z. Foster. Lovestone refused and departed for the Soviet Union to argue his case. Lovestone insisted that he had the support of the vast majority of the Communist Party and should not have to step aside. Stalin responded that he "had a majority because the American Communist Party until now regarded you as the determined supporters of the Communist International. And it was only because the Party regarded you as friends of the Comintern that you had a majority in the ranks of the American Communist Party". [5]

When he returned to the US, Lovestone was forced to pay for his insubordination and was expelled from the party for his support of Bukharin and the Right Opposition and for his theory of American exceptionalism, which held that capitalism was more secure in the United States and thus socialists should pursue different, more moderate strategies there than elsewhere in the world. That contradicted Stalin's views and the new Third Period policy of ultra-leftism promoted by the Comintern. Lovestone and his friends had thought that they commanded the following of the mass of party members and, once expelled, optimistically named their new party the Communist Party (Majority Group). When the new group attracted only a few hundred members they changed its name to the Communist Party (Opposition). They were aligned with the International Communist Opposition, which had sections in fifteen countries. The CP(O) later became the Independent Communist Labor League and then, in 1938, the Independent Labor League of America, before dissolving in 1941. The party published the periodical Workers' Age (izvorno The Revolutionary Age), which was edited by Bertram Wolfe, along with a number of pamphlets.

Union and anti-communist activities

Lovestone had, while within the Communist Party, played an active role in the Party's labor activities, primarily within the United Mine Workers, where the party supported the revolt led by John Brophy against John L. Lewis's leadership. His allies within the party, particularly Charles S. Zimmerman, had a great deal of power within the International Ladies Garment Workers Union (IGWU) prior to the debacle of 1926. After his expulsion, Lovestone formed a base within ILGWU Dressmakers Local 22, to which Zimmerman had returned after his expulsion from the CPUSA. Lovestone and Zimmerman worked their way into the good graces of ILGWU President David Dubinsky, who had been their fiercest enemy before their expulsion. [ potreban je citat ]

With Dubinsky's support, Lovestone went to work for Homer Martin, the embattled President of the United Auto Workers, who was attempting to drive his political rivals out of the union by charging them with being communists. Martin's and Lovestone's tactics, however, only succeeded in unifying all of the disparate groups in the leadership of the union at that time into a single coalition opposed to Martin and, unintentionally, enhancing the reputation of CP members within the union. The UAW's Executive Board, with the support of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), proceeded to oust Martin, who left to form his own rump version of the UAW. Lovestone followed him for a time. [ potreban je citat ]

Lovestone had maintained his relationship with Dubinsky throughout this period Dubinsky helped finance Martin's new union and worked for its affiliation with the American Federation of Labor (AFL). In 1943, Lovestone became the director of the ILGWU International Affairs Department. Dubinsky also helped Lovestone find work in 1941 with an organization favoring the United States' entry into World War II. Dubinsky had concerns that Lovestone's past role in the Communist Party would taint him and suggested that Lovestone change his name Lovestone declined to do so. [ potreban je citat ]

In 1944, Dubinsky arranged to place Lovestone in the AFL's Free Trade Union Committee, where he worked out of the ILGWU's headquarters. Along with Irving Brown he led the activities of the American Institute for Free Labor Development, an organization sponsored by the AFL which worked internationally, organizing free labor unions in Europe and Latin America which were not Communist-controlled.

In connection with that work he cooperated closely with the CIA, feeding information about Communist labor-union activities to James Jesus Angleton, the CIA's counterintelligence chief, in order to undermine Communist influence in the international union movement and provide intelligence to the US government. He remained there until 1963 when he became director of the AFL-CIO's International Affairs Department (IAD), which quietly sent millions of dollars from the CIA to aid anti-communist activities internationally, particularly in Latin America. [6]

In 1973, AFL-CIO president George Meany discovered that Lovestone was still in contact with Angleton of the CIA, who was conducting illegal domestic spying activities, despite being told seven years earlier to terminate this relationship. [7]

Meany chose to force Lovestone out by issuing an instruction with which he knew Lovestone would not comply. On March 6, 1974, he informed Lovestone that he wanted to close his New York office, stop publication of Free Trade Union News, and transfer Lovestone and his library and archives to Washington, D.C. When Lovestone argued he could not relocate his library of 6,000 books, he was dismissed, effective July 1. [8] Lovestone's successor, Ernie Lee, maintained a low profile during his tenure from 1974 through 1982 and significantly scaled back the AFL-CIO's aggressive advocacy of a hawkish, anti-détente foreign policy. [8]

Death and legacy

Lovestone died on March 7, 1990, at the age of 92. [9]

Jay Lovestone's massive accumulation of papers, today encompassing more than 865 archival boxes, [10] were acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives at Stanford University in 1975, where they remained sealed for 20 years. [11] The material was opened to the public in 1995 and was a source for author Ted Morgan, who published the first full-length biography of Lovestone in 1999. [11] An associate, Louise Page Morris , later supplemented the collection with her correspondence—according to other reports, Morris "spent 25 years as Lovestone's lover." [12] [13]

Lovestone's Federal Bureau of Investigation file is reported to be 5,700 pages long. [14]