Stuart Hall

Stuart Hall


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Stuart Hall rođen je u Kingstonu na Jamajci 1932. Kasnije se prisjetio: "Bili smo dijelom Škoti, dijelom Afrikanci, dijelom Portugalci-Židovi." Njegov otac, Herman Hall, bio je prva osoba koja nije bijelca na visokoj poziciji-glavnog računovođe-u United Fruit Company u zemlji. Obrazovao se na Jamaica Collegeu, a nakon što je osvojio stipendiju Rhodes na Sveučilištu Oxford preselio se u Englesku 1951. godine.

Tijekom studija engleskog jezika na koledžu Merton razvio je radikalne političke stavove. Hall je otkrio da je on u manjoj manjini: "1950-ih sveučilišta nisu, kako su kasnije postala, središta revolucionarne aktivnosti. Manjina privilegiranih ljevičarskih studenata, raspravljajući o potrošačkom kapitalizmu i osnaživanju kulture radničke klase usred" sanjajući tornjeve ', može se činiti, retrospektivno, prilično marginalni politički fenomen ... Počeo sam ne kao netko tko se formirao, već kao netko u nevolji ... Mislio sam da bih mogao pronaći pravu sebe u Oxfordu. Građanska prava natjerala su me da prihvatim da sam crnac intelektualca. "

Hall se smatrao marksistom, ali kao protivnik politike Josifa Staljina nije se pridružio Komunističkoj partiji. Umjesto toga, postao je član onoga što je postalo poznato kao Nova ljevica. Njegovi politički stavovi temeljili su se na njegovu čitanju povijesti: "Britanija nije homogena; nikad nije bilo društvo bez sukoba. Englezi su se borili zubima oko svega što znamo kao engleske političke vrline - vladavinu prava, slobodu govora, franšizu . "

Hall je postao član Kampanje za nuklearno razoružanje (CND). Ostali članovi bili su JB Priestley, Bertrand Russell, EP Thompson, Fenner Brockway, Frank Allaun, Donald Soper, Vera Brittain, Sydney Silverman, James Cameron, Jennie Lee, Victor Gollancz, Konni Zilliacus, Richard Acland, Frank Cousins, AJ Taylor, Canon John Collins i Michael Foot. U jednom maršu CND -a od Aldermastona do Londona Hall je upoznao svoju buduću suprugu Catherine Barrett. Imali su dvoje djece, Becky i Jess.

Godine 1957. Hall se zajedno s E. Thompsonom, Raphaelom Samuelom, Raymondom Williamsom, Ralphom Milibandom i Johnom Savilleom pokrenuo dva radikalna časopisa, Novi razlog i Novi pregled s lijeve strane, gdje je bio urednik osnivač. Hall je također radio kao učitelj opskrbe u Brixtonu, a 1961. postao je predavač filma i medija na Chelsea Collegeu. Objavio je svoju prvu knjigu, Popularna umjetnost, u koautorstvu s Paddyjem Whannelom, 1964. To ga je dovelo do toga da ga je Richard Hoggart pozvao da se pridruži Centru za suvremene kulturne studije (CCCS) na Sveučilištu u Birminghamu.

Godine 1968. Hall je postao direktor jedinice CCCS. Tijekom sljedećih nekoliko godina napisao je nekoliko knjiga, uključujući Situirajući Marx: procjene i odlasci (1972), Kodiranje i dekodiranje u televizijskom diskursu (1973), Čitanje Marxova Uvoda u Grundrise iz 1857 (1973.) i Rad policije u krizi (1978.). Kao što je Čuvar istaknuo je: "Temelji kulturalnih studija leže u inzistiranju na ozbiljnom prihvaćanju popularnih kulturnih oblika s niskim statusom i traženju isprepletenih niti kulture, moći i politike. Njegove interdisciplinarne perspektive oslanjale su se na književnu teoriju, lingvistiku i kulturnu antropologiju kako bi analizirati raznolike teme kao što su subkulture mladih, popularni mediji, rodni i etnički identitet ... Hall je uvijek bio među prvima koji je identificirao ključna pitanja tog doba i rutinski skeptičan u pogledu lakih odgovora. Očaravajući govornik i učitelj od ogromnog utjecaja , nikada se nije upuštao u akademsko bodovanje. Hallova politička mašta kombinirala je vitalnost i suptilnost; na području ideja bio je čvrst, spreman za borbu protiv položaja za koje je vjerovao da su politički opasni. umjetnici i posjetitelji iz cijelog svijeta, od kojih su ga mnogi zavoljeli. "

Hall je tvrdio da je Britanija doživjela pravu revoluciju šezdesetih: "Sjetite se 1968., kada su svi govorili da se ništa nije promijenilo, da nitko nije osvojio državnu vlast. Istina je. Studenti nisu pobijedili. Ali od tada se život duboko promijenio. Ideje o komunitarizam, ideje kolektiva, feminizma, homoseksualnosti, svi su se transformirali utjecajem revolucije koja nije uspjela ... Stoga ne vjerujem u procjenu povijesnog značaja događaja u smislu našeg obično pogrešnog prosuđivanja gdje mogu završiti. ”

1979. Hall je imenovan profesorom sociologije na Pučkom otvorenom učilištu. Sadašnji prorektor sveučilišta, Martin Bean, istaknuo je da je postigao veliki uspjeh: "Stuart je bio jedan od intelektualnih utemeljitelja studija kulture, objavljujući mnoge utjecajne knjige i oblikujući tadašnje razgovore. Bila je privilegija imati Stuart u srcu Otvorenog sveučilišta - dodirujući i utječući na tolike živote kroz svoje tečajeve i podučavanje. Bio je predan i utjecajan javni intelektualac nove ljevice, koji je utjelovio duh onoga što je OU uvijek zastupao: otvorenost, pristupačnost , prvak za društvenu pravdu i moć obrazovanja da donese pozitivne promjene u živote ljudi. "

Hall je prvi upotrijebio izraz "tačerstvo" u članku objavljenom u Marksizam danas u siječnju 1979. za opis političkog utjecaja Margaret Thatcher. Kao Daily Telegraph istaknuo: "Mnogi ljevičarski konzervativni vođa bili su pod pokroviteljstvom samo kao prodorna domaćica. Hall je bio jedan od prvih koji je priznao da Britanija ulazi u novu eru politike. Okarakterizirao je fenomen tačerizma kao nešto više značajan i podmukliji od osobnog stila jednog političara ... Hallu je popularnost tacherizma potjecala iz grešaka na ljevici. Socijalisti, tvrdio je, nisu uspjeli prepoznati razočaranje mnogih ljudi iz radničke klase s birokratskom državom, dok je britanska trgovina sindikati, iako industrijski jaki, nisu ponudili nikakvu alternativnu viziju ... Hall je pozvao ljevicu da se bori protiv kulturne bitke protiv tačerizma angažiranjem s novim društvenim pokretima poput multikulturalizma, zaštite okoliša i prava homoseksualaca. "

Urednik Martin Jacques istaknuo je kako je ovo početak dugogodišnje veze. "Sljedeće desetljeće osjećalo se kao da živimo jedni drugima u džepovima. Način na koji je Stuart pisao bio je fascinantan. Neki su, poput Erica Hobsbawma, drugog velikog marksizma danas, prvi put izradili savršen tekst. Stuartov prvi nacrt, za razliku od toga, stigao bi u krajnje nesuvislom i nestalnom obliku, kao da pokušava pročistiti grlo. Tijekom sljedećih 10 dana jedan će nacrt slijediti drugi, brzo uzastopno, poput igre ping-ponga. Njegov je bio nemiran, inventivni intelekt, uvijek gurajući omotnicu, u svom najboljem izdanju kada radi u nekom obliku suradnje s drugima. Njegov je krajnji rezultat uvijek bio vrijedan uživanja, a njegovi su članci bili iznimno utjecajni. "

Druge Hallove knjige uključuju Teški put do obnove (1988), Otpor kroz rituale (1989), Modernost i njezina budućnost (1992), Formiranje modernosti (1992), Pitanja kulturnog identiteta (1996), Kulturne reprezentacije i prakse označavanja (1997.) i Vizualno kulturno (1999.). Profesor Henry Louis Gates sa Sveučilišta Harvard nazvao ga je "vodećim teoretičarom crne Britanije u Crnoj Gori".

Hall se povukao iz Otvorenog sveučilišta 1997. godine i postao član Komisije za budućnost multietničke Britanije, koju je osnovao Trust Runnymede. Ostao je aktivan u politici te je bio vodeći kritičar Tonyja Blaira i napao ga jer je zauzeo "teren definiran Thatcherizmom". Kasnije je Blaira opisao kao "najvećeg torijevca od Margaret Thatcher" i ustvrdio da iako je vodstvo Konzervativne stranke "podijeljeno, iscrpljeno i demoralizirano", ipak su "njihovi argumenti, njihova filozofija, njihovi prioriteti ti koji definiraju agendu o kojoj novi laburisti razmišljaju i govore ”.

Njegov prijatelj, Martin Jacques, ističe: "Nažalost, Stuartovo loše zdravlje polako, ali nemilosrdno je smanjivalo i potkopavalo njegovu žestoku energiju. Posljednjih 20-ak godina bio je poluinvalid. No, um mu je ostao budan i uključen kao i uvijek Odgovor na njegovu smrt poslužio je da pokaže koliko je njegov rad utjecao na toliko ljudi na toliko različitih načina: kulturne studije, rasa i etnička pripadnost, politika, umjetnost, mediji, akademija. moć i uvid. Stuartov izvanredan utjecaj nije bio zato što je bio crnac i s Jamajke. To je bilo zato što je bio crnac i s Jamajke. Trebao je autsajder, crni Jamajčanin, da nam pomogne razumjeti i osmisliti nastavak opadanja Britanije. Bio je na mnogo načina daleko ispred svog vremena. Teško je pomisliti na ikoga tko je ponudio tako snažan uvid u ono što nam se događalo u posljednjih 70 godina. "

Stuart Hall umro je 10. veljače 2014.

Kad je književnik i akademik Richard Hoggart 1964. osnovao Centar za suvremene kulturološke studije na Sveučilištu u Birminghamu, pozvao je Stuarta Halla, koji je preminuo u 82. godini, da mu se pridruži kao prvi istraživač. Četiri godine kasnije Hall je postao v.d., a 1972. direktor. Kulturni su studiji tada bili manjinska djelatnost: pola stoljeća na njemu prisutno je posvuda, stvarajući bogato značajno djelo čak i ako u svom institucionaliziranom obliku može uključivati ​​intelektualne stavove koje Hall nikada ne bi mogao podržati.

Temelji kulturalnih studija leže u inzistiranju na ozbiljnom shvaćanju popularnih kulturnih oblika s niskim statusom i traganju za isprepletenim nitima kulture, moći i politike. Njegove interdisciplinarne perspektive oslanjale su se na teoriju književnosti, lingvistiku i kulturnu antropologiju kako bi analizirale raznolike teme kao što su subkulture mladih, popularni mediji te rodni i etnički identitet-stvarajući tako nešto kao model, na primjer, za Guardianov vlastiti odjeljak G2.

Hall je uvijek bio među prvima koji su identificirali ključna pitanja tog doba, a rutinski je bio skeptičan prema lakim odgovorima. Ipak, bio je neizmjerno uljudan, velikodušan prema studentima, aktivistima, umjetnicima i posjetiteljima iz cijelog svijeta, od kojih su ga mnogi zavoljeli. Hall je osvojio priznanja sveučilišta diljem svijeta, unatoč tome što o sebi nije razmišljao kao o znanstveniku. Sveučilišta su mu ponudila bazu iz koje je mogao poučavati - izvor velikog zadovoljstva za njega - i surađivati ​​s drugima u javnoj raspravi.

U siječnju 1979 Marksizam danas objavio je Hall -ov dalekovidni, sada slavljeni esej "The Great Moving Right Show", u kojem raspravlja o ranom uspjehu "tačerizma", izraza koji je skovao za tadašnjeg vođu novonastale politike opozicije. "Položaj Heatha uništen je u sukobu s organiziranim radom. No, također je potkopan njegovim unutarnjim kontradikcijama. Nije uspio pobijediti u obračunu s radnom snagom", ustvrdio je. "Nije moglo pridobiti podršku javnosti za ovaj odlučujući susret; porazno se vratio na svoj" prirodni položaj "u političkom spektru ..."

Hall je, nasuprot tome, sugerirao da "" tačerizam "uspijeva u ovom prostoru izravno angažirajući" puzajući socijalizam "i ispričavajući se" državni kolektivizam "krila Heatha. Stoga se usredotočuje na sam živac politike konsenzusa, koja je dominirala i stabilizirala političkoj sceni više od desetljeća. " Hall je kasnije rekao o Thatcherinoj politici: "Kad sam vidio tačerstvo, shvatio sam da to nije samo ekonomski program, već da ima duboke kulturne korijene. I Thatcher i [Enoch] Powell bili su ono što je Hegel nazvao" povijesnim pojedincima "."

Hall je prvi put skovao riječ "tačerstvo" u jednom dalekom članku u Marksizmu Danas, u siječnju 1979., četiri mjeseca prije nego što je sama Margaret Thatcher ušla u Downing Street. Konzervativni vođa bio je pod pokroviteljstvom mnogih ljevice samo kao prodorna kućanica. Hall je bio jedan od prvih koji je priznao da Britanija ulazi u novu eru politike.

Fenomen tačerizma okarakterizirao je kao nešto značajnije i podmuklije od osobnog stila jednog političara. Kasnije je opisao gospođu Thatcher kao Hegelovu "povijesnu individuu", osobu čija politika i kontradikcije "primjenjuju ili konkretiziraju u jednom životu ili karijeri mnogo šire snage koje su u igri".

Hallu je popularnost tacherizma nastala u greškama na ljevici. Socijalisti, tvrdio je, nisu uspjeli prepoznati razočaranje mnogih ljudi iz radničke klase birokratskom državom, dok britanski sindikati, iako industrijski jaki, nisu ponudili nikakvu alternativnu viziju. Tačerizam je "redefinirao konture javnog mišljenja" shvativši da put do srca ljudi nije samo kroz Westminster, već kroz druge prostore u njihovim životima za koje nisu ni smatrali da su "politička" - područja poput morala i kulture.

Hall je pozvao ljevicu da se bori protiv kulturne bitke protiv tačerizma angažirajući se s novim društvenim pokretima poput multikulturalizma, zaštite okoliša i homoseksualnih prava-razmišljanjem koje je postalo sastavnim dijelom projekta "Novi rad" koji se razvijao sredinom 1990-ih.

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Stuart Hall

Naslijedio ga je najstariji sin,

ANDRIJA (c1521-91), drugi lord Ochiltree, koji se oženio Agnes Cunningham, te imao sina i nasljednika, Andrew Stewart, stiliziran Majstor Ochiltreeja, koji ga je pretekao 1578., a naslijedio ga je unuk,

ANDRIJA , 3. lord Ochiltree (c1560-1629), koji je prodao feudalnu baroniju OCHILTREE svom rođaku, Sir James Stuartu, iz Killeitha, stvoren je, 1619, Dvorac baruna Stewart, županije Tyrone, gdje je posjedovao znatna imanja.

Oženio se, ca 1587, Margaret, kći ser Johna Kennedyja, iz Blairquhana, i imala je problem,

Njegovo gospodstvo naslijedio je najstariji sin,

GOSPODIN ANDREW, 2. barun (1590-1639), koji je prethodno bio stvoren kao barun.

Zagovarao je, ca 1604., Lady Anne Stewart, peta kći i sunasljednica Ivana, 5. grof od Atholla, po kojoj je ženi on izdao,

Njegovo gospodstvo naslijedio je najstariji sin,

ANDREW, 3. barun (-1650), koji se oženio Joyce, kćeri i nasljednicom Sir Arthura Blundella, od koje je imao problem, jedinim djetetom, MARIJOM, koje se vjenčalo s Henryjem 5. grofom od Suffolka.

Njegovo je gospodstvo umrlo bez muških pitanja, a počasti su prešle na njegova brata,

JOSIAS, 4. barun (c1637-62), koji je sa Anne, kćeri Johna Maddena, iz Enfielda, Middlesex, zaručio svoju suprugu Elizabeth, kćer i sunasljednicu Charlesa Waterhousea, iz Manor Waterhousea, okrug Fermanagh.

Ovaj brak nije bio spor, a titule su vraćene njegovom ujaku,

JOHN, 5. barun, nakon čije je smrti bez problema titula ostala u mirovanju do 1774., kada je na nju polagao pravo i dopustio

KAPETAN ROBERT STEWART, de jure 6. barun, koji se oženio Anne, kćeri Williama Moorea, iz Garveyja, okrug Tyrone.

On je umro ca 1685., a naslijedio ga je sin,

ANDREW, de jure 7. barun (1672-1715), koji se vjenčao s Eleanor, kćerkom Roberta Dallwaya, iz Bellahilla, okrug Antrim, s kojim je imao problem,

ROBERT, de jure 8. barun (1700-42), koji se 1722. vjenčao s Margaret, sestrom i sunasljednicom Hugha Edwardsa, iz dvorca Gore, okrug Tyrone, i imao problema,

ANDREW THOMAS, 9. barun (1725-1809), koji je stvoren Vikont dvorac Stewart 1793. godine.

Njegovo gospodstvo dodatno je napredovalo do grofa, 1800. godine, kao STRAŽAR OD ZAMAKA.

Njegovo gospodstvo vjenčalo se 1781. godine sa Sarom, kćerkom Rt Hon Godfrey Lill, Sudac Suda zajedničkih pravnih razloga u Irskoj, za kojeg je imao spor,

Njegovo gospodstvo naslijedio je najstariji sin,

ROBERT, 2. grof (1784.-1854.), Koji je 1806. godine zagovarao Jemimu, jedinu kćer pukovnika Robinsona, s kojim je imao problema,

Drugi veliki događaj njegove dugogodišnje vladavine kao glava obitelji bio je stjecanje prvog grofa 1782. godine, trećeg vlastelinstva u okrugu Tyrone, vlastelinstva Orritor, alias Govornik.

Orritor je bio u blizini Stewartstowna, pa je stoga bio geografski dobro smješten da zaokruži postojeća vlastelinstva Castle Stewart i Forward.

Međutim, imanje Orritor pridružilo se Drum Manoru i stoga je bilo bliže Cookstownu nego Stewartstownu ili New Millsu, oko mjesta gdje se nalazi imanje Forward.

Robert Stewart iz Stuart Halla oženio se Margaret Edwards iz Castlegore davne 1722. godine, a kao rezultat neuspjeha nasljednika muškog spola u obitelji Edwards, Castlegore je prešao u Stuartove.

Godine 1862. četiri su vlastelinstva ostvarila godišnji prihod od ٥,567.

Daljnji privremeni dodatak imanju Tyrone napravljen je 1866. godine, kada se Lord Stuart, kasnije 5. grofovski dvorac Stewart, oženio nasljednicom obitelji Richardson Brady iz Oaklanda, alias Drum Manor, Cookstown.

Međutim, nakon njegove smrti 1914. godine naslijedio ga je grofovski i na imanjima Castle Stewart njegov rođak, ali u dvorcu Drum jedna od njegovih kćeri, lady Muriel Close.

STUART Dvorana, u blizini Stewartstowna, okrug Tyrone, sagrađen je oko 1760. za Andrewa, 1. grofovski dvorac Stewart.

Izvorno je to bio troetažni gruzijski blok s trijemom sa stupovima, spojen sa starom kulom gotičkim krilom iz 19. stoljeća.

U novije vrijeme uklonjena su dva gornja kata glavnog bloka, dajući mu izgled gruzijskog bungalova.

Stuart Hall digla je u zrak IRA u srpnju 1972., a zatim je srušila.

Na tom mjestu kasnije je izgrađen novi stan 1987. godine.

Sadašnja kuća okružena je travnjacima i uređenim šumskim vrtom.

Tu je ha-ha za ispašu, s lijepim pogledom na krajobrazni park i šumu.

Staje i gospodarske zgrade preživjele su iz 18. stoljeća i navedene su na popisu.

Vrt ograđen zidom ima kamen od datuma 1832. godine, a ukrašen je kaštelastim zidom i dvije lukave kule koje se pružaju prema nekadašnjem dvorištu.

Rowan ga opisuje kao ‘ … kaštelanog, od lomljenog kamena s opekom od opeke i debelim okruglim tornjem na oba kraja. ’

Kameni natpis na frizu, međutim, ima natpis koji glasi ili 1783. ili 1785. godine.

Ozidani vrt nije održavan.

Bilo je velikih staklenika.

Glavni atribut demesne su lijepe sastojine zrelog drveća, položene u pejzažnom stilu sredinom 18. stoljeća.

Tu je i sadnja šume.

Loža vrata ca 1835 je otišao, ali zaslon kapije ostaje.

Prvi put objavljeno u prosincu 2009. Castle Stewart naoružanjem zahvaljuje Europskoj heraldici.


Stuart Hall, Spisi o medijima: povijest sadašnjosti, uredila Charlotte Brunsdon – Duke University Press, listopad 2021

Nedavno su se pojavili svesci o marksizmu, rasi i razlikama, a ovo je sljedeća zbirka u nizu Stuart Halla: Izabrani spisi.

Pisanje o medijima okuplja više od dvadeset medijskih analiza Stuarta Halla, od znanstvenih eseja poput "Kodiranja i dekodiranja" (1973.) do drugih spisa upućenih široj javnosti. Hall istražuje prakse fotografije s vijestima, razvoj medija i kulturnih studija, promjenu uloge televizije i način na koji se nacija zamišlja kroz popularne medije. On se bavi britanskom carskom poviješću i politikom rase i kulturnog identiteta, kao i odnosom medija prema političkom projektu države. Svjedočeći o rasponu i agilnosti Hallovog kritičkog i pedagoškog angažmana sa suvremenom medijskom kulturom - kao i o njegovom suradničkom načinu rada - ovaj svezak ponovno potvrđuje njegov ugled kao inovativnog teoretičara medija dok pokazuje stalnu relevantnost njegovih metoda analize.


Stuart Hall i uspon kulturnih studija

U ljeto 1983. jamajčanski učenjak Stuart Hall, koji je živio i predavao u Engleskoj, otputovao je na Sveučilište Illinois u Urbana-Champaign, kako bi održao niz predavanja o nečemu što se naziva "Kulturne studije". U to su vrijeme mnogi akademici još uvijek smatrali da je ozbiljno proučavanje popularne kulture ispod njih mnogo jača podjela, zatim između onoga što je Hall nazvao "autentičnim, potvrđenim" ukusima viših klasa i nerafinirane kulture masa. No Hall ovu hijerarhiju nije smatrao korisnom. Tvrdio je da se kultura ne sastoji od onoga što obrazovane elite zamišljaju, poput klasične glazbe ili likovne umjetnosti. To je jednostavno "iskustvo proživljeno, iskustvo protumačeno, iskustvo definirano". Vjerovao nam je da nam može reći nešto o svijetu koje više tradicionalna proučavanja politike ili ekonomije ne bi mogla.

Majstorski govornik, Hall je energizirao publiku u Illinoisu, skupinu mislilaca i pisaca iz cijelog svijeta koji su se okupili na ljetnom institutu posvećenom raščlanjivanju marksističkih pristupa kulturnoj analizi. Mlada znanstvenica po imenu Jennifer Daryl Slack vjerovala je da svjedoči nečemu posebnom te je odlučila snimiti i prepisati predavanja. Nakon više od desetljeća nagovaranja, Hall je konačno pristao urediti ove transkripte za objavljivanje, što je trajalo godinama. Rezultat je "Kulturne studije 1983: Teoretska povijest", koja je objavljena prošle jeseni, kao dio tekućeg serijala Duke University Pressa pod nazivom "Stuart Hall: Odabrani spisi", koja bilježi karijeru i utjecaj Halla, koji je umro 2014. .

Općenito govoreći, kulturne studije nisu samo jedan dio humanističkih znanosti koliko pokušaj korištenja svih tih ruku odjednom. Pojavila se u Engleskoj, pedesetih i šezdesetih godina, kada su znanstvenici iz radničke klase, poput Richarda Hoggarta i Raymonda Williamsa, počeli razmišljati o udaljenosti između kanonskih kulturnih temelja-glazbe ili knjiga koje su vas trebale naučiti kako da budu građanski i dobro odgojeni-i vlastiti odgoj. Ti su znanstvenici vjerovali da porast masovnih komunikacija i popularnih oblika trajno mijenja naš odnos prema moći i autoritetu, i jedni prema drugima. Više nije bilo konsenzusa. Hall je bio zainteresiran za iskustvo života u takvim razornim vremenima. Što je kultura, predložio je, nego pokušaj da se uhvate u koštac s tim promjenama, da se omota glava oko onoga što je novo moguće?

Hall je zadržao vjeru da je kultura mjesto "pregovora", kako je rekao, prostor davanja i uzimanja gdje bi se namjerna značenja mogla kratko spojiti. "Popularna kultura jedno je od mjesta na kojima se vodi ova borba za i protiv kulture moćnih: također je ulog koji treba dobiti ili izgubiti u toj borbi", tvrdi on. "To je arena pristanka i otpora." U slobodnom društvu kultura ne odgovara središnjim, vladinim diktatima, ali ipak utjelovljuje nesvjestan osjećaj vrijednosti koje dijelimo, onoga što znači biti u pravu ili ne. Tijekom svoje karijere Hall je postao fasciniran teorijama "recepcije" - kako dekodiramo različite poruke koje nam kultura govori, kako nam kultura pomaže u odabiru vlastitih identiteta. Nije ga zanimalo samo tumačenje novih oblika, poput filma ili televizije, pomoću alata koje su znanstvenici prethodno donijeli u književnost. Zanimalo ga je razumijevanje različitih političkih, ekonomskih ili društvenih snaga koje su se konvergirale u tim medijima. Nisu nam samo sadržaj ili jezik noćnih vijesti ili časopisa srednje popularnosti rekli što misliti, već i način na koji su strukturirani, pakirani i distribuirani.

Prema Slacku i Lawrenceu Grossbergu, urednicima časopisa “Cultural Studies 1983”, Hall nije volio objaviti ova predavanja jer se bojao da će se čitati kao višenamjenski kritički priručnik, a ne kao niz pažljivo smještenih povijesnih razgovora. Hall je sam bio ambivalentan u pogledu onoga što je smatrao američkim fetišom za teoriju, uvjerenjem da je intelektualni rad samo, prema Slackovim i Grossbergovim riječima, „potraga za pravom teorijom koja će, jednom kad se pronađe, otkriti tajne svake društvene stvarnosti . ” Nije bilo tako jednostavno. (Pitao sam se što bi Hall učinio o tome kako se kulturna kritika svojevrsne vrste koja može čitati poput ideološkog prepoznavanja obrazaca proširila u doba društvenih medija.)

Tijekom svojih predavanja Hall se pažljivo borio s predacima, uključujući britanskog znanstvenika F. R. Leavisa te također Williamsa i Hoggarta (potonji je osnovao utjecajni Centar za suvremene kulturološke studije Sveučilišta Birmingham, kojim je Hall upravljao sedamdesetih godina). Postupno se predavanja skupljaju oko pitanja kako svom životu dajemo smisao, kako prepoznajemo i razumijemo „kulturu koju nikad ne vidimo, kulturu za koju ne smatramo da je kultivirana“. Ova predavanja nisu upute za "bavljenje" kulturološkim studijama - do samog kraja jedva se dotiču nastajućih kulturnih oblika koji su zaintrigirali Hall, poput reggaea i punk rocka. Umjesto toga, pokušavaju pokazati dokle sežu ova pitanja.

Za Halla su ta pitanja proizašla iz njegova vlastitog života - činjenica koju njegovi memoari, "Poznati stranac", koju je Duke objavio u travnju, stavljaju u središte pozornosti. Hall je rođen 1932. u Kingstonu. Njegov otac, Herman, bio je prva osoba koja nije bijelca na visokoj poziciji u jamajčanskom uredu United Fruit, američke poljoprivredne i poljoprivredne korporacije, čija je majka Jessie bila mješovite rase. Smatrali su se odvojenom klasom, objašnjava Hall, upuštajući se u "grubi kolonijalni simulakrum Engleske više srednje klase". Od malih nogu osjećao se otuđeno zbog njihovog ugodnog prihvaćanja otočke rasne hijerarhije. U djetinjstvu je njegova koža bila tamnija od ostatka njegove obitelji, što je nagnalo njegovu sestru da zadirkuje: "Odakle ti ovo hladno dijete?" To je postala obiteljska šala - koju bi često posjećivao. Pa ipak, nije osjećao autentičnu vezu ni s radničkom Jamajkom, "svjestan ponora koji me je odvojio od mnoštva". Blagi osjećaj krivnje koji opisuje osjeća se upečatljivo suvremeno. I imao je problema s artikuliranjem pojmova ove nelagode: "Nisam mogao pronaći jezik na kojem bih razotkrio kontradikcije ili suočio svoju obitelj s onim što zaista mislim o njihovim vrijednostima, ponašanju i težnjama." Želja da pronađe taj jezik postala bi animirana iskra njegova profesionalnog života.

Godine 1951. Hall je osvojio stipendiju Rhodes za studij na Oxfordu. Bio je dio generacije "Windrush" - izraz koji se koristio za opisivanje valova migracije Zapadne Indije u Englesku u poslijeratnim godinama. Iako je Hall dolazio iz drugačije klase od većine ovih migranata, osjećao je povezanost sa svojim sunarodnjacima. "Odjednom je sve izgledalo drugačije", kasnije će se sjećati svog dolaska u Englesku. Izrezao je novinsku fotografiju trojice Jamajčana koji su stigli otprilike u to vrijeme. Dvojica od njih su stolari, a jedan ambiciozni boksač, svi su odjeveni do devetke. "Ovo je bilo stil. Oni su bili u misiji, odlučni da budu prepoznati kao sudionici suvremenog svijeta i da ga učine svojim. Svako jutro gledam ovu fotografiju dok sam odlazim na onaj svijet ”, piše.

Hall je na američkim sveučilištima pronašao spremne učenike, mada bi se moglo tvrditi da je duh koji je pokretao kulturne studije u Engleskoj postojao u SAD -u od pedesetih i šezdesetih godina, u underground časopisima i alternativnom tisku. Američka fantazija o svom navodno "besklasnom" društvu uvijek je "kulturi" davala nešto drugačije značenje nego u Engleskoj, gdje su društvene putanje bile strože definirane. Ono na što su znanstvenici poput Halla zapravo računali bila je "američka faza" britanskog života. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata Engleska više nije bila „slučaj paradigme“ zapadnog industrijskog društva. Amerika, taj veliki eksperiment, gdje su se masovni mediji i potrošačka kultura slobodno širili, postala je preteča onoga što će doći. U zemlji u kojoj je mobilnost od krpa do bogatstva-ili barem tako zamišljamo-udaljena samo jedan udarac, kultura govori o onome što želite projicirati u svijet, bilo da ste na frontu kao član elite ili kao običan čovjek , nudeći svoju interpretaciju Shakespearea ili "Matrice". Kad se kultura bavi samooblikovanjem, postoji čak i prostor za prizemnog milijardera.

Kako smo došli ovdje, u ovu sadašnjost, sa svojom maštom ograničenom zdravim osjećajem mogućnosti koje nismo odabrali? "Odabrani politički spisi", druga Hallova knjiga koju je Duke objavio u sklopu svoje serije, uglavnom se usredotočuje na dugotrajnu britansku fazu Hallova života. Središnji esej je "The Great Moving Right Show", njegova analiza iz 1979. o "autoritarnom populizmu" Margaret Thatcher. Njezin uspon bio je jednako kulturna prekretnica kao i politički, prema Hallovu mišljenju - neprijateljstvo prema borbenim masama, zaklonjeno projiciranim stavom njezine platforme oštre, viktorijanske umjerenosti. Mnogi dijelovi ove zbirke kruže oko teme "zdravog razuma", kako kultura i politika zajedno jačaju ideju o tome što je prihvatljivo u bilo kojem trenutku.

Ovo je bilo jednostavno pitanje u središtu Hallovog složenog, povremeno gustog rada. Postao je jedan od velikih javnih intelektualaca svog vremena, aktivist za društvenu pravdu i borbu protiv širenja nuklearne energije, stalno prisutan na britanskom radiju i televiziji - iako se ovo djelo spominje samo letimično u "Poznatom strancu". Slično, ne spominje marksizam, svoj ključni intelektualni okvir, sve do posljednjih poglavlja te knjige. Umjesto toga, kao i u većini njegovih tradicionalnijih stipendija, usredotočuje se na promjenjiv osjećaj vlastitog konteksta. Kultura je, na kraju krajeva, stvar izgradnje odnosa između sebe i svijeta. "Ljudi moraju imati jezik da govore o tome gdje se nalaze i koje su im druge mogućnosti na raspolaganju", primijetio je na svojim predavanjima 1983. godine. “Ove budućnosti možda neće biti stvarne ako ih odmah pokušate konkretizirati, možda ćete otkriti da tamo nema ničega. Ali ono što postoji, ono što je stvarno, jest mogućnost da budete netko drugi, da se nalazite u nekom drugom društvenom prostoru od onog u koji ste već bili smješteni. ” Mogao je opisivati ​​vlastito buđenje.


Nedovršeni razgovor: Stuart Hall u dijalogu s poviješću

Stuart Hall bio je jamajčanski teoretičar kulture, politički aktivist i javni intelektualac koji je živio i radio u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu od 1951. do svoje smrti 2014. Poznat je kao utemeljitelj kulturnih studija i utjecajni mislilac britanske nove Lijevo. Po dolasku u Englesku s Jamajke na studij na Sveučilištu Oxford, Hall je osjetio osjećaj otuđenosti koji je potaknuo osobno i teoretsko istraživanje koje ga je na kraju povezalo s novom ljevicom. Društvenopolitički elitizam, kao i vrijednosti, ideologije i sustavi mišljenja koje je pronašao na svojim sveučilišnim studijama osjećali su se udaljenima od vlastitog životnog iskustva. Pod utjecajem njegovog usklađivanja s raseljenim migrantskim zajednicama u Oxfordu, kao i političkim provokacijama 1956. - obilježenim događajima poput sovjetskog potiskivanja mađarske revolucije i invazije Izraela, Francuske i Velike Britanije na Egipat - Hall je bio potaknut na novu ljevicu, koja će mu godinama postati politički dom.

Nova ljevica bila je široki politički pokret koji se oblikovao 1960 -ih i 1970 -ih. In contrast to earlier Marxist movements that focused more centrally on issues of class struggle, the New Left focused on a wide range of issues such as civil rights, gay rights, gender roles, and labor organization, among others. Hall was the first editor of the influential New Left Review, a journal that analyzed world politics, the global economy, protest movements, and contemporary social theory, philosophy, and culture. Out of the New Left emerged Cultural Studies, which was to become a discipline in its own right. It had at its foundation a commitment to take popular cultural and artistic production seriously, tracing the interweaving threads of culture, politics, and power.

When British artist John Akomfrah wanted to create a project exploring the transmutation and transformation of the black image over time, he deemed Stuart Hall to be the perfect vehicle to examine these ideas. Hall occupied a unique position, not only as a thinker who reflected seriously on the politics of the aesthetic landscape — which he believed shaped rather than merely represented power — but also as a theorist whose monumental contributions were deeply rooted in his personal experience.

It is important to note Hall’s hesitation with being a subject of Akomfrah’s work, for he was someone who resisted being the center of attention, always preferring to speak of the collaborative elements of the work that he was a part of. So, on the occasion of John Akomfrah’s The Unfinished Conversation (2012) — featured in the exhibition Unfinished Conversations: New Work from the Collection — a panel gathered at The Museum of Modern Art in March 2017 to discuss the legacies of Stuart Hall. These personal traits of Hall, which emerged throughout the night, were equally significant takeaways, as was learning about his work. For those of us who did not know him personally, we were introduced to Stuart Hall as a teacher, a mentor, and a friend.In an audience comprised of artists, curators, collectors, and cultural thinkers whose work and interests lie at the intersection of race, politics, and critical theory, a sense of community emerged: a community centered on people responding to — and contending with — Stuart Hall’s ideas and their relevance today.

John Akomfrah. Still from“The Unfinished Conversation.” 2012. Three-channel video (color, sound), 45 min. The Museum of Modern Art, New York.The Contemporary Arts Council of the Museum of Modern Art, The Friends of Education of The Museum of Modern Art, and through the generosity of Bilge Ogut and Haro Cumbusyan. Image © Smoking Dogs Films courtesy Lisson Gallery

Hall’s political investment in the New Left came from the need to provide compelling alternatives to the rise of Great Britain’s conservative right — represented by Margaret Thatcher — that would center multiculturalism, civil rights, and environmentalism. This concern for a Left that was able to examine sociopolitical conditions and offer viable trajectories rings as true today as it did at the end of the 1960s. When John Akomfrah was asked about what one could borrow from Stuart Hall to help navigate the global rise of Right-wing populist regimes, Akomfrah highlighted Hall’s insistence on the historical being a vital component of the conversation. So the question then becomes: What kind of relationship to the historical did Stuart Hall push forth?

At the panel, John Akomfrah highlighted a quote from Hall’s Cultural Identity and Diaspora: “Cultural identities come from somewhere, they have histories. But like everything else that is historical, they undergo constant transformation. Far from being externally fixed in some essentialized past, they are subject to the continuous play of history, culture, and power. Far from being the mere recovery of a past, waiting to be found, and once found will secure our sense of self into eternity, identities are the different names we give to the different ways we are positioned by, and position ourselves within the narratives of the past.” This view presents us with a history that is unfixed, a history that is rewritten every time that it is told. The past becomes ever-shifting.

Stuart Hall’s constant self-questioning produced his rigorous and thoughtful body of work, manifested in his ongoing relationship to Marxism. Hall felt that the Marxist emphasis on class hindered the ability to consider other influences — such as race or gender — on the formation of power. The fact that Hall did not take on Marxism as an identity, but rather a framework that was more or less useful at different moments in time, allowed for him to question and revise its tenets to allow for many of the ideas that would become central to the New Left.

Stuart Hall argued that political identities were formed in discourse: Identity was a narrative dependent on how we positioned ourselves in relation to others. Identity to Hall — religious, national, ethnic, cultural — was “a matter of becoming as well as being…” belonging “to the future as well as to the past.” On the other hand, institutions of power often strive to fix the meaning of difference, presenting difference as boundless and eternal a fundamental truth that could not be changed or understood otherwise. That premise was used for a variety of political projects that were predicated upon othering those who held various identities, linking that identity to an innate violent nature or a fundamental, unreconciled otherness.

Hall’s insistence on the historical was a tool to resist endings and neat categorizations, forcing us to consider how there must be another way. This desire to resist endings is echoed by the formal qualities of Akomfrah’s work. He has designated The Unfinished Conversation not as a film, but as a project, which instantly conveys an ongoing examination. As Kobena Mercer put it speaking of the title of Akomfrah’s work, “[it is]a commitment that is not exhausted by meeting a goal.” The structure of the piece forces us to think and rethink our relationship to the subjects and narrative portrayed. The multi-channel installation conveys a sense of the multiple migrations of the image. Here, Akomfrah is exploring other, non-Aristotelian ways of storytelling. The logic of simultaneity that multi-screen pieces offer creates a more democratic viewing experience, which invites participation and interrogation of the history presented.

Writing against the staunch march of history, into a space that offers multiplicity, fluidity, and thereby possibility, feels as important today as it ever was. Perhaps through an insistence on questions of temporality, one can come to understand the constructed nature of our circumstances, breathing imagination into how they could be configured otherwise.

John Akomfrah’s The Unfinished Conversation was part of MoMA’s Unfinished Conversations: New Work from the Collection, which brought together works by more than a dozen artists, made in the past decade and recently acquired by The Museum of Modern Art. The exhibition was on view March 19–July 30, 2017.


Stuart Hall and the Freedom of Diaspora

Saree Makdisi is professor of English and comparative literature at UCLA. He is the author of, among other books, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation (2008) and Making England Western: Occidentalism, Race and Imperial Culture (2014).

Saree Makdisi Stuart Hall and the Freedom of Diaspora. Povijest sadašnjosti 1 April 2020 10 (1): 135–139. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/21599785-8221479

Beginning with the title itself, Stuart Hall’s Familiar Stranger: A Life between Two Islands offers not merely a meditation on the cultural logic of dislocation but also a carefully articulated defense of that dislocation as a powerful antidote to the ugly and repressive forces of cultural and national identity. The emphasis here is on the space of the between: what it means to truly belong neither here nor there (Jamaica and England in Hall’s case), and how what might threaten to turn into a narrative of loss (exclusion, lack, homesickness, nostalgia, alienation, etc.) is gradually redeemed into a narrative that locates the value of the between as a site from which to contemplate the most compelling forms of intellectual and hence political freedom. There is a warning here, too: a warding away of the palpable dangers of identity politics and in particular.


Udio

I n this lecture I will address questions of Caribbean culture and identity. I want to suggest that such questions are not in any sense separate or removed from the problems of political mobilization, of cultural development, of economic development and so on. The more we know and see of the struggles of the societies of the periphery to make something of the slender resources available to them, the more important we understand the questions and problems of cultural identity to be in that process. I want to examine some of the themes of a topic which has been richly explored by Caribbean writers and artists—cultural identity presenting itself always as a problem to Caribbean people. footnote 1

Why it should be a problem is not a mystery, but I want to probe this question of identity and why Caribbean writers, politicians, civic leaders, artists and others have been unable to leave worrying away at it. And in doing so, I want to problematize to some extent the way we think about

identity. I want to explore the term ‘myth’ itself—the English are not good at myth, always opposing it on the one hand to reality, on the other hand to truth, as if you have to choose between them. I specifically do not want to choose between myth and reality, but to talk about the very real contemporary and historical effects of myths of identity. And I want to do so with one other purpose which I hope will come through more clearly at the end. The issue of cultural identity as a political quest now constitutes one of the most serious global problems as we go into the twenty-first century. The re-emergence of questions of ethnicity, of nationalism—the obduracy, the dangers and the pleasures of the rediscovery of identity in the modern world, inside and outside of Europe—places the question of cultural identity at the very centre of the contemporary political agenda. What I want to suggest is that despite the dilemmas and vicissitudes of identity through which Caribbean people have passed and continue to pass, we have a tiny but important message for the world about how to negotiate identity.

There is a very clear and powerful discourse about cultural identity, especially in the West. Indeed most of us have lived through, and are still living through an exercise in the definition and defence of a particular kind of British cultural identity. I was puzzled when Norman Tebbit asked which cricket team you would support, in order to discover whether you were ‘one of us’, ‘one of them’ or maybe neither. My own response to that was, if you can tell me how many of the four hundred members of the British athletics team are properly British, I’d be ready to answer the question about the cricket team otherwise not. But the discourse of identity suggests that the culture of a people is at root—and the question of roots is very much at issue—a question of its essence, a question of the fundamentals of a culture. Histories come and go, peoples come and go, situations change, but somewhere down there is throbbing the culture to which we all belong. It provides a kind of ground for our identities, something to which we can return, something solid, something fixed, something stabilized, around which we can organize our identities and our sense of belongingness. And there is a sense that modern nations and peoples cannot survive for long and succeed without the capacity to touch ground, as it were, in the name of their cultural identities.

Now the question of what a Caribbean cultural identity might be has been of extraordinary importance, before but especially in the twentieth century. Partly because of the dislocations of conquest, of colonization and slavery, partly because of the colonial relationship itself and the distortions of living in a world culturally dependent and dominated from some centre outside the place where the majority of people lived. But it has also been important for counter-identities, providing sources on which the important movements of decolonization, of independence, of nationalist consciousness in the region have been founded. In a sense,

until it is possible to state who the subjects of independence movements are likely to be, and in whose name cultural decolonization is being conducted, it is not possible to complete the process. And that process involves the question of defining who the people are. U Black Skin White Masks, Fanon speaks of what he calls ‘a passionate research directed to the secret hope of discovering beyond the misery of today, beyond self-contempt, resignation and abjuration, some beautiful and splendid area whose existence rehabilitates us both in regard to ourselves and others’. And as I’ve said, that passionate research by Caribbean writers, artists and political leaders, that quest for identity, has been the very form in which much of our artistic endeavour in all the Caribbean languages has been conducted in this century.

Why, then, is the identity of the Caribbean so problematic? It is a very large question, but let me suggest some of the reasons. First of all, if the search for identity always involves a search for origins, it is impossible to locate in the Caribbean an origin for its peoples. The indigenous peoples of the area very largely no longer exist, and they ceased to exist very soon after the European encounter. This is indeed the first trauma of identity in the Caribbean. I don’t know how many of you know what the coat of arms of Jamaica is. It has two Arawak Indian figures supporting a shield in the middle, which is crossed by pineapples surmounted by an alligator. Peter Hulme reports that in 1983 the then prime minister of Jamaica, Edward Seaga, wanted to change the coat of arms on the ground that he could not find represented in it a single recognizable Jamaican identity. ‘Can the crushed and extinct Arawaks,’ he asked, ‘represent the dauntless inhabitants of Jamaica? Does the low-slung near-extinct crocodile, a cold-blooded reptile, symbolize the warm soaring spirits of Jamaicans? Where does the pineapple, which was exported to Hawaii, appear prominently either in our history or in our folklore?’ I read that quote simply to remind you that questions of identity are always questions about representation. They are always questions about the invention, not simply the discovery of tradition. They are always exercises in selective memory and they almost always involve the silencing of something in order to allow something else to speak.

Maurice Cargill, a famous commentator on Jamaican affairs in The Gleaner, responded to the prime minister, ‘What about a design containing entwined marijuana plants? Against a background of us dollar bills with tourists rampant and ladies couchant?’ Silencing as well as remembering, identity is always a question of producing in the future an account of the past, that is to say it is always about narrative, the stories which cultures tell themselves about who they are and where they came from. The one way in which it is impossible to resolve the problem of identity in the Caribbean is to try looking at it, as if a good look will tell you who the people are. During the period in which I was preparing my bbc series on the Caribbean, I had the occasion in a relatively short space of time to visit a large number of Caribbean islands, several of which I had not seen before. I was absolutely staggered by the ethnic and cultural diversity I encountered. Not a single Caribbean island looks like any other in terms of its ethnic composition, including the different genetic and

physical features and characteristics of the people. And that is before you start to touch the question of different languages, different cultural traditions, which reflect the different colonizing cultures.

It may be a surprise to some people in this room that there are several Caribbean islands, large ones, in which blacks are nowhere near a majority of the population. There are now two important ex-British Caribbean societies where Indians are in a majority. In Cuba, what you are struck by first of all is the long persistence of white Hispanic settlement and then of the mestizo population, only later of the black population. Haiti, which is in some ways the symbolic island of black culture, where one feels closer to the African inheritance than anywhere else, has a history in which the mulattos have played an abolutely vital and key historical role. Martinique is a bewildering place, it is in my experience more French than Paris, just slightly darker. The Dominican Republic is a place where it is possible to feel closer to Spain and to the Spanish tradition of Latin America than anywhere else I have been in the Caribbean. The melting-pot of the British islands produced everywhere you look a different combination of genetic features and factors, and in each island elements of other ethnic cultures—Chinese, Syrian, Lebanese, Portuguese, Jewish—are present. I know because I have a small proportion of practically all of them in my own inheritance. My background is African, also I’m told Scottish—of pretty low descent, probably convict—East Indian, Portuguese Jew. I can’t summon up any more but if I searched hard I expect I could find them.


Stuart Hall obituary

When the writer and academic Richard Hoggart founded the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham University in 1964, he invited Stuart Hall, who has died aged 82, to join him as its first research fellow. Four years later Hall became acting director and, in 1972, director. Cultural studies was then a minority pursuit: half a century on it is everywhere, generating a wealth of significant work even if, in its institutionalised form, it can include intellectual positions that Hall could never endorse.

The foundations of cultural studies lay in an insistence on taking popular, low-status cultural forms seriously and tracing the interweaving threads of culture, power and politics. Its interdisciplinary perspectives drew on literary theory, linguistics and cultural anthropology in order to analyse subjects as diverse as youth sub-cultures, popular media and gendered and ethnic identities – thus creating something of a model, for example, for the Guardian’s own G2 section.

Hall was always among the first to identify key questions of the age, and routinely sceptical about easy answers. A spellbinding orator and a teacher of enormous influence, he never indulged in academic point-scoring. Hall’s political imagination combined vitality and subtlety in the field of ideas he was tough, ready to combat positions he believed to be politically dangerous. Yet he was unfailingly courteous, generous towards students, activists, artists and visitors from across the globe, many of whom came to love him. Hall won accolades from universities worldwide, despite never thinking of himself as a scholar. Universities offered him a base from which he could teach – a source of great pleasure for him – and collaborate with others in public debate.

He was born in Kingston, into an aspiring Jamaican family. His father, Herman, was the first non-white person to hold a senior position – chief accountant – with United Fruit in Jamaica. Jessie, his formidable mother, had white forebears and identified with the ethos of an imaginary, distant Britain. Hall received a classical English education at Jamaica College in Kingston – while allying himself with the struggle for independence from colonial rule.

But he found the country’s racial and colonial restrictions intolerable and an escape presented itself when he won a Rhodes scholarship to study at Oxford University. He arrived in Britain in 1951, part of the large-scale Caribbean migration that had begun symbolically with the arrival of the Empire Windrush three years earlier. Hall recalled that when he took the train from Bristol to Paddington station in London, he saw a landscape familiar to him from the novels of Thomas Hardy.

However, if Britain was a culture he knew from the inside, it was also one he never entirely felt part of, always imagining himself a “familiar stranger”. At Merton College, studying English, he experienced this sense of displacement, his enthusiasms – for a new politics, for bebop, for a world alive to the values of human difference – incomprehensible to the cavalry-twilled former public schoolboys who surrounded him.

As his time in Britain lengthened, so his identifications with blackness deepened. Ambivalent about his relation both to his place of departure and to his place of arrival, he sought to survive the medieval gloom of Oxford by making common cause with the city’s displaced migrant minority. Out of these new attachments, and out of the political cataclysm of 1956 – marked by the Anglo-French-Israeli invasion of Egypt and by the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian revolution – emerged the new left, in which Hall was an influential figure: it provided him with a political home. At this point he found himself “dragged backwards into Marxism, against the tanks in Budapest” – and, if his Marxism came “without guarantees”, it was nonetheless a vital part of him to the end.

In 1957 these issues became the catalyst for the launching of the Universities and Left Review, in which Hall was an active presence, and which subsequently merged with the New Reasoner to form the New Left Review, of which Hall was the founding editor. Abandoning his thesis on Henry James, he moved to London. By day he worked as a supply teacher in Brixton and, late into the night, on the Soho-based NLR. In 1961, he became a lecturer in film and media at Chelsea College, London University. Brixton and Soho had proved congenial to him where Oxford had not, and he began his work on popular culture. The Popular Arts (1964), co-authored with Paddy Whannel, opened a field of inquiry he was to develop at Birmingham.

On the 1963 Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament march from Aldermaston to London, Hall met Catherine Barrett, and they married the following year. With his appointment to the CCCS they moved to Birmingham where their two children, Becky and Jess, were born, and where they lived until 1979. During these years Catherine became an acclaimed historian, and the marriage proved to be a source of great mutual love and support. Their homes, in Birmingham and then in London, were welcoming places, drawing in their many friends.

In Birmingham, under Hall’s charismatic leadership – and on a shoestring budget – cultural studies took off. But as Hoggart remarked, Hall rarely used the first person singular, preferring to speak of the collaborative aspects of the work. His energy was prodigious and he shifted the terms of debate on the media, deviancy, race, politics, Marxism and critical theory.

While there are no single-authored, scholarly monographs to his name, Hall produced an astonishing array of collectively written and edited volumes, essays and journalism – translated into many languages – as well as countless political speeches, and radio and television talks.

In 1979 he became professor of sociology at the Open University, attracted by the possibility of reaching out to those who had fallen through the conventional educational system. He remained there until 1998 – later becoming emeritus professor – launching a series of courses in communications and sociology. Increasingly, he focused on questions of race and postcolonialism, and on theorising the migrant view of Britain that he had always cherished.

The move to the OU coincided with the election victory of Margaret Thatcher. Before the election, Hall, convinced that the emergence of this new Conservatism marked a profound cleavage in British political history, coined the term Thatcherism, in a visionary article in Marxism Today. Drawing both on his long involvement with Antonio Gramsci’s theorisation of the forms of political hegemony and on the collaborative CCCS volume Policing the Crisis (1978), he emphasised the role of race in Thatcherite politics, particularly in relation to the creed of law and order which he characterised as “authoritarian populism”.

In The Politics of Thatcherism (1983), he insisted that the left’s traditional statism was in part responsible for creating the conditions that had allowed the Thatcherites to win ascendancy, pointing to the degree to which Thatcherism had rooted itself in authentically popular sentiment – something he believed the left had failed to do. This generated fierce controversy among those who might otherwise have been among his political allies. His conviction that Thatcherism would define the politically possible, long after Thatcher herself had departed, proved enormously prescient, providing a key to understanding the politics not only of New Labour, but also of the subsequent coalition.

Hall, a campaigner for racial justice, was invited to join many official, and unofficial, public bodies. From 1997 to 2000 he served on the Runnymede Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain, and was shocked by the media reaction to the commission’s observation that the idea of Britain itself was racially far from innocent. He knew that the persistence of race thinking ran deep among the British.

He enjoyed university life but was relieved to relinquish his full-time academic role. This presented him with another opportunity to reinvent himself, by then in alliance with young artists and film-makers, exploring the politics of black subjectivity. A new Hall emerged, evident in catalogue introductions and workshop discussions in galleries in Britain and across Europe.

Once again he collaborated with – and learned from – people considerably younger than himself, chairing Autograph (the Association of Black Photographers) and the International Institute of Visual Arts. He was proud that he helped secure funding for Rivington Place, in Hoxton, east London, a location dedicated to public education in multicultural issues, drawing from contemporary art and photography. His involvement in the movement for black arts gave him a new lease of intellectual life. This Stuart Hall was reflected in the history of his life and work produced by the film-maker John Akomfrah, in the form of a much lauded gallery installation, The Unfinished Conversation (2012), and in a widely distributed film, The Stuart Hall Project (2013), which brought Hall to the attention of a new generation.

Latterly Hall’s health, always more precarious than he let on, declined he had to face intensive dialysis and later, at an advanced age, a kidney transplant. This ate up his time and energy, gradually constraining his mobility and his ability to take part in public life. But to the end, he held court at home to an endless stream of visitors keen to discuss the politics of contemporary times.

Under New Labour he became increasingly furious that managerialism was hollowing out public life, and increasingly pessimistic about the global situation. Yet he was cheered that “someone with Hussein for a middle name” was sitting in the White House and, after the credit crunch, was mesmerised by the sight of capitalism falling apart of its own accord. Throughout, he maintained an optimism of the will, and as late as last year he and his colleagues on Soundings magazine were producing manifestos for a post-neoliberal politics.


Stuart Hall - History

A Tribute from the Centre for Caribbean Thought
Over the past week there have been many tributes to the Jamaican born thinker Stuart Hall. We at the Centre for Caribbean Thought remember the 2004 conference , “ Culture , Politics , Race and Diaspora: The Thought of Stuart Hall,” where with mesmerizing eloquence Hall addressed ideas about thinking, activism, the Caribbean Diaspora , politics and the complex relationships between culture , race, class and power.

When we invited Hall in 2003 and informed him that his work would be the subject of a “Caribbean Reasonings Conference” his initial response, typical of his character was that he had not written much on the Caribbean that his work was not of the kind like that of Lamming or CLR James . Yet in a lecture delivered at the 50th anniversary of the University of West Indies, Hall had noted that the 1998 event occurred at the same time as the 50th anniversary of the docking of the SS Empire Windrush in the UK. That landing began a new history of post war Caribbean migration to the UK.

Hall arrived in the UK as a Rhodes Scholar in 1951. His life was a Caribbean life away, a diasporic life in which the new meanings of home were constructed while retaining echoes of the former home. How could one forget the 1991 seven part documentary series which he narrated , Redemption Song that deeply explored the past and present of the Caribbean? Hall was a Caribbean intellectual, one who was part and parcel of the post war Afro- Caribbean migration experience. That he did not return “home “ like others , George Lamming , or Sylvia Wynter ( who returned for a while ) and others did not mean that he was not Caribbean . What it meant was that the Caribbean was now working through a different geographical and cultural location. He himself noted: “The fate of the Caribbean people living in the UK, the USA or Canada is no more “external” to Caribbean history than the Empire was “external” to the so called domestic history of Britain.”

Living at the heart of the British colonial empire in its dying days and on the cusp of regional political independence was both a formidable intellectual and political challenge for Hall. These challenges remained with him for a long time and as he said in an interview in 2012, “I am not quite English.” Hall’s preoccupation with Diaspora and race emerged out of this conundrum which he navigated. There is profound connection between Hall’s life and his writings and thinking about Diaspora and race for as he once said in a debate with a conservative political figure in London. “You cannot have at the back of your head what I have in mine. You once owned me on a plantation.” When Hall became involved in British left politics it was at a moment when orthodox Marxism was reeling from the exposures and revelations of the brutalities of Stalinism.

If in 1956 , another Caribbean figure , Aime Cesaire resigned from the French Communist Party stating that not only the bodies murdered by Stalin were an eloquent testimony to the negative practices of orthodox communism but that the colonial and race problems required new and different readings of how societies were constituted , Hall along with others in 1960 founded the New Left Review as one attempt to construct a new left politics. This desire to construct a different left politics which was not a distant cousin of orthodox Marxism (what he would call in 1986 in an article on ideology, “Marxism without guarantees”) was critical to Hall’s intellectual and political life. Indeed his work as the central founder of the field of “Cultural Studies” at Birmingham University was not so much about a study of the popular but more about thinking around the relationships between power and culture. It was to understand culture as a complex phenomenon which was always contested but importantly he believed that one could not think politically without grappling with the yeast of culture. It was this understanding which made it possible for him to coin the term “ Thatcherism “ as a hegemonic cluster of ideas which were not just political but deeply rooted in the cultural and social history of Britain.

Hall’s political thinking in recent years was to grapple with the ideas inaugurated by Thatcher and others and what he called a year ago the “neo-liberal revolution.” He reminds us that Thatcher once said, “the object is to change the soul “ In grappling with this new ideological configuration, Hall posited two sets of ideas amongst many which might be in part legacies for us today. The first is the notion of contingency. The idea that social and political life is not fixed, that there is no formal closure and therefore there is fluidity in what seems fixed and frozen. It is an important idea because it always means that in the darkest of times there are always “points of light.” The second is one which he took from the Italian political thinker, Antonio Gramsci -- the idea of “common sense.” His challenge to us was that we should understand how common sense gets formed. In an article written by himself and Alan O ‘ Shea in December 2013 , he argued that the “ assumption that everyone is obviously going to agree with what is being proposed is in fact a means of securing that agreement.” He also noted that the idea that “we all share common sense values … is a powerful legitimation strategy. “

That months before his death Hall and others worked on the Kilburn Manifesto a document about the possibilities of renewing the left in Britain is indicative of a force field of determination. But perhaps even more so it was indicative of his deep desire to confront the world as we know it and challenge its assumptions. In London, Hall’s contribution to visual culture is well known particularly his work with the group of Black Photographers and the establishment of Rivington Place. Hall had that rare gift of discerning the contours of the world in which we live. With unmatched generosity he worked across generations. He was open to the future and to the possibilities of a different world as he practiced a form of engaged listening and dialogue . For those of us at the Centre for Caribbean Thought he is a seminal figure and thinker of the 20th century.


Stuart Hall (1932-2014)

News arrived this morning that the great sociologist and cultural theorist Stuart Hall has passed away an excellent obituary can be found at Čuvar. Although the focus of his work was, in a sense, far from U.S. intellectual history, I think it’s fair to say that his scholarship and career have nevertheless been hugely important for many U.S. intellectual historians. At the time I was in graduate school in the late 1980s, his influence in this country was being felt particularly strongly. History had taken a “cultural turn,” and English departments were focusing more and more of their attention on cultural studies. And Hall was one of the founding figures of cultural studies.

Jamaican-born and raised, Hall came to Merton College, Oxford, on a Rhodes Scholarship in 1951, a moment when the first great wave of West Indian immigration to Britain was taking place. In 1960, he helped co-found New Left Review and over the next few years, along with Raymond Williams, wrote pioneering articles about the study of culture in its pages. In 1964, Richard Hoggart, who had just created the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at the University of Birmingham, invited Hall to become its first faculty member. In 1968, Hall became the Acting Director of CCCS in 1972, he became its director.[1] Hall and the Birmingham School became known for their distinctive, Gramscian approach to the study of popular, which took seriously the multiple and competing ways that people can and do read popular cultural texts. This approach very notably rejected the assumptions of both the Frankfurt School and some mid-century American cultural critics like Dwight Macdonald and Clement Greenberg, who often saw in mass culture little more than empty kitsch and the (often successful) attempt by dominant classes to control the thoughts and feelings of the masses.

As his early involvement with NLR suggests, Hall was also a model of an engaged scholar.[2] One of the first major Black British public intellectuals, Hall was an important voice for multiculturalism in a country that has, at times, been reluctant to embrace its growing ethnic and racial diversity. In a tribute on The Root, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., describes Hall as “the Dubois of Britain.” In recent years, Hall had been particularly critical of the willingness of the British left to embrace the assumptions of the right. For a sense of how vibrant Hall remained in his analysis of the British political scene, check out “Common-sense neoberalism” (co-written with Alan O’Shea), which appeared in the Winter 2013 issue of the journal Soundings.

But though Hall was a towering figure in cultural studies, and cultural studies, in turn, was a constant topic of conversation among young historians in the 1980s, in my graduate program we read very little by Stuart Hall. I think the only time I was actually assigned an essay by Hall was in an English grad course I audited, Andrew Ross’s seminar on cultural theory. IIRC, we read the essay on “Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse.”

I always like scholarly obituary posts to become open threads for the discussion of the work of the person celebrated in them. This is particularly the case with this post. Though I can – with a little help from the Čuvar obituary linked above – recite the highlights of Stuart Hall’s career and though I have a strong sense of his intellectual significance, my relationship to his work is, in general, more second-hand than it should be. I know, however, that he’s one of the giants on whose shoulders anyone working in intellectual and cultural history stands (indeed, that he is one of the reasons that we often label our sub-field “intellectual and cultural history” at all).

[1] In 2002, long after Hall had left to take a post at the Open University, the CCCS became one of the first victims of the neoliberal restructuring of British academia, when, following a poor grade on the Research Assessment Exercise, the University of Birmingham engaged in a “restructuring” that simply eliminated CCCS along with the Department of Sociology. In recent decades, the UK has been the world innovator when it comes to draconian higher education “reform.” The closing of CCCS was immediately (and correctly) seen as a cautionary tale throughout British academia. It may well become one for American academia in the near the future, too.

[2] This remembrance from Tariq Ali focuses on how central politics was to Hall’s scholarship.


Gledaj video: Stuart Hall - Some Views on Cultural Themes and Multiculturalism


Komentari:

  1. Sami

    Da stvarno. Tako se događa. Uđite, razgovarat ćemo o ovom pitanju. Ovdje ili u PM.

  2. Daigul

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  3. Torn

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  4. Migul

    I am sorry, I can help nothing. Ali uvjereno je da ćete pronaći ispravnu odluku. Ne očajavaj.



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